Federations are established by independent nations by political, economic and strategic association for a bigger purpose. This association is sustained by shared ideological, cultural, linguistic and ethnic affinities or fear of a powerful neighbour. Contrasted with this, a union of states is created by a central authority in a unitary state by dividing the territory under it into manageable administrative units. In the former case, the federation owes its existence to the nations that established it by voluntary association. It would exist as long as the federating states so desire or depending on the modus vivendi prescribed by the Constitution that governs it.
In the latter case, the states owe their creation to the central authority of the unitary state. This, broadly speaking, is the history of federations established by nation-states – at least after the World Wars. There are exceptional cases in the history of nations, including military occupation of foreign territories like Israel occupying Arab territories, the collapse of a federal state like Yugoslavia or the disintegration of a federal empire – the biggest example is the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics or USSR.
There was no ambiguity about the structural foundations of Pakistan. It was clearly understood that the western part of the new country would be established as a Federation consisting of the North-Western Muslim majority states. Bengali Muslims were leading the movement of Pakistan. Bengal was generally conceived to be a separate and independent state comprising West and East Bengal and Assam. This dream was shattered by the formation of the Radcliffe Boundary Commissions to divide Bengal and Punjab.
In this part of Pakistan, Sindh was the first Muslim majority state whose Legislative Assembly passed a resolution on 3 March 1943 to join the new Federation. The Punjab just followed as the establishment of Pakistan became unstoppable. The ruling Unionists of Punjab consented to join Pakistan at the last moment after their rout in the provincial elections of January 1946. The consent of the erstwhile NWFP was obtained in a dubious referendum after unlawfully dismissing the elected administration of Dr Khan Sahib and bringing into power Khan Abdul Qayum Khan. The Khudai Khidmatgars of Bacha Khan had won enough seats to form a coalition administration with the support of the Indian National Congress. Balochistan was annexed by force in April 1948.
The migrants felt, for the first time after 25 years of independence, the disadvantages of their conscious decision to remain aloof from the majority population in the province
Thus, the suggestion to divide Pakistan into 12 federal units – mostly on ethnic and linguistic basis – is not sustainable politically, economically, constitutionally, and historically. The Federation of Pakistan attained the age of 78 years on this 14 August, whereas the territories creating it have been in existence as sovereign states for centuries before their military occupation by the British East India Company or the British Indian Empire.
Robert Clive successfully laid the foundation of the British Empire in South India at the Battle of Plassey (June 1757). It was completed in North India by Major General Archdale Wilson and his ruthless commander Colonel William Hodson in 1858. We would be well advised to remember 1842 (Fall of Sindh), 1849 (Fall of Punjab), 1838 (British-imposed Agreement with the Khan of Kalat for a corridor from the earlier Khan Garh – present Jacobabad – to Quetta with a cantonment to monitor the Great Game).
The partition of India into two successor states resulted in the massive displacement of the population across the border. The people of Sindh displayed greater humanity, hospitality and generosity to welcome the displaced Muslims from all corners of India. Their spirit of sacrifice was exemplary and reminded us of the brotherhood displayed by the Ansars of Medina. However, their feelings of brotherhood were not reciprocated. The leaders taking power in the new country did not listen to the sound counsel of the local leadership to settle a reasonable number of migrants that the meagre resources of the province could sustain or which should not cause a population imbalance.
On this issue, four provincial governments from 1947 to 1955 were arbitrarily dismissed. Karachi, the capital of Sindh, was declared a Federal city just after independence. Later, the province was merged into the One-Unit in 1954. We committed repeated blunders in nation-building. To compensate the refugees for the loss of property in their native towns in India, an Evacuee Trust Property scheme was introduced, declaring the properties – both urban dwellings and agricultural lands left behind by the migrating non-Muslims – as evacuee trust property for allotment to the migrants.
Within no time, the scheme acquired notoriety for deceit, fraud, forgery and corruption. These allotments continued from 1948 well through the One-Unit years. The Sindhis put up a heroic resistance to the declaration of Karachi as a federal city and the relegation of their well-developed language to the status of a regional dialect, dispossessing it of all official transactions of the provincial and divisional administrations and local governments. Later, they carried out a sustained movement along with the smaller provinces of Balochistan and the former NWFP against the One-Unit. Supported by the majority province of Bengal, their struggle came to fruition.
The provinces were restored before the general elections of 1970. The migrants, in the majority, supported the religious parties, which took most of the National Assembly seats from Karachi and Hyderabad. These parties supported the unanimous adoption of the 1973 Constitution. Frankly speaking, the migrants felt, for the first time after 25 years of independence, the disadvantages of their conscious decision of remaining aloof from the majority population in the province. Before, they were just busy enjoying the perks of power as they occupied the majority of the powerful posts in the provincial administrative structure.
The data of the postings against powerful positions from 1948–1954, and 1955–1969 in Sindh bear testimony to this reality. The fact is, they insulated themselves from the emerging political trends, aligning their political future with the not-so-relevant parties. Notwithstanding their past mistakes, they preferred to live in political isolation instead of accepting the new political and demographic realities.