Punjab, which is the most populous province of Pakistan and is a center of power because of colossal representation in military, bureaucracy, judiciary and security agencies is accused by critics, of denying other provinces their legitimate share and seeking dominance in the policy making apparatus. By referring to Punjab’s hold over power since the inception of Pakistan till today, it means the populous and prosperous region of central Punjab because of the marginalization of its southern Saraiki belt which wants to seek provincial status but is denied by Lahore. What the Chief Minister of Punjab said the other day that the neighbors of Pakistan are not causing harm but it is Baluchistan and KPK which hurts Punjab is a serious allegation. According to critics Punjab’s reputation as an exploiter and manipulator extends to all the three provinces of Pakistan, Bangladesh (former East Pakistan) and Afghanistan. One can agree or disagree with growing assertion and chauvinism of Punjab and its attempt to prevent dividing the province into various administrative units reflects that the central region of Punjab wants to hold on to power by all means.
Why Punjab is blamed for its exploitation, manipulation, grabbing of more and more power, resources and being involved in usurping the rights of smaller provinces needs to be objectively analyzed with critical thinking. If federal planning minister who hails from central Punjab says that “we are sitting over 7 trillion dollars of mineral resources in Baluchistan” reflects Punjab’s exploitive and manipulative approach. Consequently, Baluch nationalists target Punjabi settlers and security forces deployed in Baluchistan.
However, It will be unfair to just blame Punjab for the ills of smaller provinces like Baluchistan, KPK and Sindh but the reality on the ground proves something else. After the erosion of Mohajir domination over Pakistan’s power structure in the country’s formative phase, shifting of federal capital from Karachi to Rawalpindi and then to Islamabad and the formation of one-unit in 1955 by dismantling four provinces of West Pakistan with as its capital in Lahore, sense of deprivation not only accentuated in the then East Pakistan but also in Baluchistan, KPK and Sindh.
The disintegration of Pakistan and the emergence of Bangladesh in December 1971 replaced Bengal with Punjab as the most populous region of Pakistan. The hatred of Punjabi elite against Bengalese of the then East Pakistan was well known as the bureaucracy and military dominated by Punjab didn’t want to transfer power to the majority party Awami League primarily composed of Bengalese of East Pakistan. It was Z. A. Bhutto, a non-Punjabi belonging to rural Sindh and calling Sindh and Punjab as the bastion of power who aligned with Punjabi generals in denying Bengalese their right to form government in Islamabad. The military operation in Baluchistan in 1974 was launched by the then Chief of Army Staff General Tikka Khan, hailing from Punjab who in the 1960s was called as the butcher of Baluchistan and then butcher of Bengal by launching military operation in March 1971.
Ensuring balance in military’s general staff and in commanding position in bureaucracy and judiciary is also essential so that non-central Punjab also feels that it has a fair share in the country’s power structure and that Pakistan is not just central Punjab but is composed of diversified federating units.
Punjab’s role and contribution in suppressing what it described unpatriotic elements in the then East Pakistan, Baluchistan, rural and urban Sindh and now KPK is undeniable. One wonders why military operation was launched in all the provinces of Pakistan (including the then East Pakistan) barring the province of Punjab? Does it mean that only Punjab, particularly its central region, is patriotic whereas, other regions of Pakistan lacks patriotism and cannot be trusted?
Following the rupture of Mohajir-Punjabi alliance in the formative phase of Pakistan, power nexus between Punjab and the Pashtuns of the then North Western Frontier Province (NWFP) was established during Zia years. Interestingly the co-option of Pashtuns in Pakistan’s power structure led by Punjab’s military and bureaucracy during Zia years continued for some time till the time NWFP (KPK) remained a subservient ally of Punjab. But, in the last two decades there has been a dent in Punjab-Pashtun nexus following violence and terrorism in KPK and the military operation in Swat and former FATA. After almost losing the support of Pashtuns, the Punjabi military and bureaucratic elite tried to co-opt rural Sindh in the country’s power structure which has not worked well because Sindh has experienced military operation during Zia’s time and sentiments against Punjab and its perceived exploitive role for the resources of Sindh still remain. It means, it is not only in Baluchistan and Sindh where Punjab is perceived as a usurper of rights, now the Pashtuns are also turning against Punjabi military and bureaucratic establishment. Trust deficit between Punjab and KPK surged following the end of Imran Khan’s government in April 2022 and attempts made by Punjab led federal government of Prime Minister Shabaz Sharif to destabilize PTI government in Peshawar.
Punjab’s unabated assertion is not a recent phenomenon and needs to be analyzed from three standpoints. First, it is central and northern Punjab which is a recruiting ground of soldiers and officers in the military. Over 65% of officers and soldiers in Pakistan’s military belong to central and northern Punjab. Asymmetry in military’s composition favoring Punjab tends to deepen sense of deprivation in other provinces of Pakistan. Even in general staff, the representation of Pashtun generals which used to be substantial exists no more. In federal bureaucracy, the representation of central Punjab is sizeable which reflects that in military and in bureaucratic establishment it is central Punjab which enjoys dominance as compared to other provinces.
More or less, same is the case with superior judiciary where the overwhelming majority of judges from superior judiciary belong to central Punjab. In the corporate sector also, it is Punjabi investors and industrialists who dominate. It means, in positions of command in the military, bureaucracy, judiciary, higher education commission and corporate sector, it is central Punjab which has a lion share. Second, it is argued that anti-Punjab rhetoric is senseless and devoid of reasoning. If Punjabis are hardworking and innovative, why other non-Punjabi communities are jealous of their qualities which are essential for gaining success? That by singling out Punjab, particularly central Punjab, as a source of Pakistan’s predicament is not fair. If those from central Punjab are enterprising and possess talent to seek technological and industrial innovation, why others blame Punjab for its achievements?
Third, what is disturbing in Pakistan’s power structure is imbalance between Punjab and other provinces. Why PML (N) which represents central Punjab is against the division of province whereas it is argued that the province because of its size and population as compared to other provinces must be divided. Critics argue that central Punjab led by PML (N) has ambitions which go beyond their region: they want to ensure that the domination of their region over the whole of Punjab remains and should be expended to Baluchistan, KPK and Sindh. It is the chauvinistic, expansionist and aggressive designs of central Punjab because of its hold over power in military and bureaucracy which is a source of insecurity in other provinces. It is a contradictory and opportunistic approach of PML (N) that it is not in favor of dividing Punjab but supports the division of KPK and Sindh.
Certainly Pakistan is passing from a difficult situation because central Punjab is not willing to give up its dominating power position. PML (N)’s position on merging with Indian Punjab is tantamount to support the designs of greater Punjab. The fact that Punjabi is not mother tongue of Pashtuns, Siraikis, Baluchis, Sindhis from rural and urban centers has forced them to accept Urdu as a national language.
The way out from prevailing governance and political crisis in Pakistan is the need to rethink Punjab’s approach on dealing with other provinces and non-Punjabi communities of southern Punjab. Ensuring balance in military’s general staff and in commanding position in bureaucracy and judiciary is also essential so that non-central Punjab also feels that it has a fair share in the country’s power structure and that Pakistan is not just central Punjab but is composed of diversified federating units. Democracy, rule of law, good governance, accountability, eradication of corruption and nepotism and upholding of merit owned those who are at the helm of affairs is the need of the hour.