Fifty-four years after the surrender of the Pakistan Army at the Racecourse Ground in Dhaka before the joint Indian and Mukti Bahini command, the wounds of separation still haunt those who cherished a united Pakistan as a unique state, separated by geography and culture but integrated through a religious bond.
Paradoxically, December 16 is mourned in Pakistan for the loss of East Pakistan, but in Bangladesh it is celebrated as Victory Day. Images of surrender were marred with humiliation and shame, raising the question of how Muslim Bengalese, who had actively fought during the Pakistan Movement, separated and formed an independent state of Bangladesh. Seldom in human history has the majority province of a country seceded from the minority.
A great deal has been written and said about the fateful day of December 16, but no lessons appear to have been learned in present-day Pakistan. The relationship between East and West Pakistan from the very beginning was fraught with issues of economic exploitation, disempowerment of the Bengalese, the language question, and the imposition of martial law, which further marginalised the people of East Pakistan. When the East–West relationship was not based on justice and the results of the December 7, 1970, general elections were not accepted by denying the majority party its right to form the government, the die was cast with the launching of a brutal military operation in the then East Pakistan.
After 54 years, there is rationale in the argument that the separation of East Pakistan was correct because, in a united Pakistan, the Bengalese would have been treated as second-class citizens. The feelings of discrimination in the smaller provinces of present-day Pakistan are a reminder of how, for 25 years, East Pakistan was treated, which compelled its people to seek separation.
The narrative that the Awami League and the Six Points of Sheikh Mujibur Rehman were seditious was myopic. Had they planned to establish Bangladesh from the outset, why was the Awami League allowed to contest the December 1970 general elections? Why, out of 300 seats in the National Assembly, was a party securing 160 seats not allowed to form the government? With only 81 seats out of 300, how did the Pakistan Peoples Party of Mr Zulfikar Ali Bhutto claim the right to form the government, a stance that ultimately led to the dismemberment of Pakistan?
It makes sense for Bangladesh to celebrate December 16 as a Victory Day, as it represents emancipation from an oppressive system of governance that exploited the Bengalese for decades and denied them power even after the December 1970 elections
There is absolutely no sense or logic in commemorating a day of mourning in present-day Pakistan, because Bangladesh came into existence as a result of successive blunders by West Pakistani elites. The majority of people in East Pakistan did not initially want separation; it was imposed upon them by the launching of a military operation, which paved the way for Indian intervention and the subsequent emergence of Bangladesh. In contrast, it makes sense for Bangladesh to celebrate December 16 as a Victory Day because of its struggle for emancipation.
In fact, all national days celebrated in Bangladesh are associated with resistance to Pakistan. Language Day on February 21, Independence Day on March 25, and Victory Day on December 16 all reflect the significance of the struggle by the people of the then East Pakistan against discrimination and domination by the erstwhile western wing. Facts are facts and cannot be denied by presenting a narrative that the Awami League was traitorous or that the people of East Pakistan wrongly launched a freedom movement. The martial law regimes of General Ayub Khan and his successor, General Yahya Khan, convinced the Bengalese of East Pakistan that they would never receive their rights unless Pakistan opted for political pluralism and a democratic mode of governance.
Historical evidence demonstrates how, from the early 1950s until 1971, the elites of West Pakistan denied the Bengalese their fundamental rights. Despite being the majority, East Pakistan accepted parity with West Pakistan in 1955, yet when Khawaja Nazimuddin and Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy, both representing East Pakistan, were dismissed and removed from office, it became evident that the Punjab-dominated West Pakistani elite would not accept Bengalese leadership at the helm of affairs.
When martial law was imposed, it was viewed as another attempt to deprive East Pakistan of its rightful share in power, particularly given the marginal representation of Bengalese in the military and bureaucracy. The shifting of the capital from Karachi to Islamabad in 1959 by the Chief Martial Law Administrator, General Ayub Khan, further deepened the sense of alienation in East Pakistan. The outbreak of the September 1965 war galvanised a sense of isolation among the people of East Pakistan, which prompted the promulgation of the Six Points by Awami League leader Sheikh Mujibur Rehman at an opposition conference held in Lahore in 1966. The rest is history.
Celebrating December 16 as a Victory Day in Bangladesh and as a day of mourning in Pakistan needs to be examined from three perspectives. First, as pointed out earlier, there is no rationale for commemorating December 16 as a day of mourning because the emergence of Bangladesh became inevitable after the denial of power to the majority party, the Awami League, and the launching of the military operation in East Pakistan on the night of March 25–26. However, it does make sense to mourn the suffering and killing of millions of people in East Pakistan during 1971. To mourn that day purely as a loss for Pakistan, however, is not realistic.
East Pakistan was effectively lost on the day the military regime of General Yahya Khan decided to launch a military operation and use force against its own people. Mourning the loss of territory that was separated as a result of successive blunders does not make sense. Nor have adequate lessons been learned from the emergence of Bangladesh, as the sense of deprivation in Pakistan’s smaller provinces remains unaddressed.
Second, it makes sense for Bangladesh to celebrate December 16 as a Victory Day, as it represents emancipation from an oppressive system of governance that exploited the Bengalese for decades and denied them power even after the December 1970 elections.
Learning from history and moving forward is the best strategy for mending Bangladesh–Pakistan relations. There is no point in continuing to observe December 16 as a day of mourning in Pakistan, because Bangladesh is a reality and cannot once again become part of Pakistan
There may have been incidents such as the ransacking of the house of Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, the founder of Bangladesh, or the awarding of a death sentence to his daughter, former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, but the people of Bangladesh have not regretted separating from Pakistan. Otherwise, despite decades of oppression, exploitation, and disempowerment, the people of East Pakistan would have remained under the tutelage of West Pakistan. In the civil service, military, and other organs of the state, the Bengalese would not have received a fair share had they remained part of Pakistan.
In many areas, Bangladesh is performing better than Pakistan, including women’s empowerment, religious tolerance, economic performance, and the modernisation of infrastructure. Had it remained part of Pakistan, the West Pakistani elite would likely have continued discriminatory practices and deprived the Bengalese of their legitimate rights.
Finally, it is time for Pakistan and Bangladesh to seek a way forward through a visionary approach aimed at mending fences. Since August 2024, there has been some headway in improving Bangladesh–Pakistan relations, but Dhaka remains firm in its demands that Islamabad should tender an unconditional apology for the alleged atrocities committed during the military operation from March to December 1971, settle the division of assets and liabilities, and repatriate the remaining stranded Pakistanis living in 66 refugee camps in Bangladesh.
When Pakistan’s Foreign Secretary and Foreign Minister visited Dhaka this year, their Bangladeshi counterparts reminded them that full normalisation of relations would require Islamabad to address these three outstanding demands. So far, Pakistan has not given a positive response, but unlike the Awami League government, the present caretaker regime of Dr Mohammad Yunus is not hostile towards Pakistan.
Optimism about Bangladesh–Pakistan reconciliation is justified, as mending fences is the only way to overcome the hangover of the past. For this to happen, both sides must focus on promoting people-to-people interaction and strengthening economic, cultural, educational, and scientific ties. Furthermore, to address the animosities of the past, a joint commission composed of renowned jurists from Bangladesh and Pakistan should be established to objectively examine historical issues that have impeded full normalisation and to propose plausible solutions.
This body could be named the “Bangladesh–Pakistan Truth and Reconciliation Commission” and should seriously address the three pending issues in bilateral relations. Its recommendations must be implemented by both sides. Until the proposed commission submits its findings and recommendations, both countries should refrain from negative rhetoric against each other. Learning from history and moving forward is the best strategy for mending Bangladesh–Pakistan relations. There is no point in continuing to observe December 16 as a day of mourning in Pakistan, because Bangladesh is a reality and cannot once again become part of Pakistan.