For decades, Pakistan’s central government has hoarded power while local communities have borne the brunt of bureaucratic inefficiency and political neglect. The promise of devolution—transferring essential powers to the administrative divisions that serve our daily lives—has been repeated since the 18th Amendment in 2010. Yet our local governments continue to flounder, weighed down by inadequate resources, centralised fiscal control and constant interference from powerful elites. At a time when Pakistan teeters on the edge of a demographic time bomb—with half the population under 19, nearly 60% functionally illiterate, 40% of school-age children out of school, median age of 19 and poverty rates hovering around 40%—the need for real, meaningful decentralisation has never been more urgent.
This article argues for the devolution of powers in critical areas such as primary and secondary education, healthcare, traffic policing, sanitation, local transport, streets, and street lighting. An elected mayor should be the chief executive of the division and should be assisted by the divisional commissioner who should report to the mayor for all the devolved functions. The elected mayor should continue in office until a new mayor is elected to ensure the continuity of functions and services.
Critics claim that devolving power will lead only to further fragmentation, inefficiency and local corruption, arguing that our local bodies are too weak and ill-equipped to manage vital functions such as education, healthcare, traffic policing, sanitation, local transport, streets and street lighting. They cite historical failures of decentralisation in Pakistan as evidence that empowering local governments would exacerbate existing problems. Others dismiss comparisons with India and China as irrelevant, contending that our political and social structure is fundamentally different and that such proposals amount to utopian rhetoric that ignores entrenched power interests.
Yet research and international experience provide a robust rebuttal. Evidence from India, where the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments have empowered millions at the grassroots, demonstrates that when provided with fiscal autonomy and clear legal mandates, local governments can effectively manage critical services and even outperform centralised bureaucracies. Institutions like the National Institute of Rural Development and Panchayati Raj have built capable cadres of local administrators, with participatory budgeting and active citizen involvement ensuring transparency and accountability. In Pakistan, the failure of devolution is not inherent in the capacity of local bodies but results from the persistent centralisation of fiscal resources, ambiguous legal frameworks and chronic political interference. With proper reforms—such as granting local authorities the power to levy taxes (for example property tax), creating dedicated service funds and establishing independent oversight mechanisms—these challenges can be overcome.
Critics also argue that models from India and China are inapplicable to Pakistan. However, while our political context is indeed distinct, the underlying principles of effective local governance are universal. China’s model demonstrates that even within a centralised system, local governments can be highly effective when provided with fiscal incentives, performance-based accountability and modern technological tools. Cities like Shanghai and Shenzhen have embraced smart city technologies to manage traffic, waste and public services with impressive results. Comparative analyses show that a focus on accountability, innovation and capacity building yields positive outcomes regardless of the broader political system. For Pakistan, adopting these principles does not necessitate a wholesale import of foreign systems but rather a tailored approach that respects our unique socio-political realities while drawing on proven best practice.
Establishing local service delivery boards, comprising elected representatives, technical experts and community leaders, would ensure that decisions are made in the best interests of the public
Our nation is currently divided into 28 administrative divisions across its four provinces, as indicated by the 2023 census. Punjab’s 11 divisions have a combined population of approximately 120 million, Sindh’s 6 divisions about 50 million, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s 7 divisions roughly 40 million and Balochistan’s 4 divisions around 13 million. Major divisions such as Karachi and Lahore have populations larger than many countries, clearly demonstrating that our existing administrative structures are unwieldy and unresponsive. By restructuring these divisions into smaller, more manageable units—each ideally serving between 2 and 6 million people—and devolving powers to locally elected governments, Pakistan can establish a governance system that is both effective and accountable.
The state of service delivery in Pakistan is a damning indictment of centralised mismanagement. Our schools are crumbling, hospitals remain under-resourced and urban infrastructure is in decay. In cities like Karachi, persistent issues such as garbage accumulation, erratic street lighting and disorganised traffic management are well documented. The mismanagement of water resources has cost billions of rupees and continues to plague regions like Sindh, where even minor reductions in water availability could trigger catastrophic economic and humanitarian crises.
Recent news further exposes the incompetence of our provincial governments. In Balochistan, for example, Chief Minister Bugti abolished the province’s Zakat Department after realising that while Rs300 million was meant to be distributed to the poor, the department was recklessly spending Rs1.6 billion – a scandal compounded by the operation of an unnecessary fleet of 80 vehicles. Equally damning is the recent controversy at Mayo Hospital in Lahore. During a scheduled visit, Chief Minister Maryam Nawaz made high-handed remarks to Medical Superintendent Prof Dr Faisal Masood over patient complaints about a shortage of medicines.
It later emerged that Dr Masood had tendered his resignation on 2 February after repeatedly alerting the Punjab Health Minister and Health Secretary to a financial crisis at the hospital—with pending liabilities amounting to Rs3.5 billion—yet his warnings were ignored. In a final act of bureaucratic negligence, the Health Secretary issued a letter of displeasure to Dr Masood a day before the Chief Minister’s visit, in a bid to divert attention from the hospital’s dire state. The medical community, including the Pakistan Medical Association and the Young Consultants Association, condemned the incident as a blatant display of incompetence and high-handedness by provincial health authorities, further underscoring the urgent need for decentralisation.
Political parties have long promised devolution and local empowerment in their manifestos. Yet since 2010, whether it is the PPP with its hollow pledges, the PML-N’s bungled reforms or PTI’s anti-corruption rhetoric, these promises have largely failed to materialise. Fiscal and administrative control remains stubbornly centralised, fuelling public anger and mass protests, particularly in Sindh.
The path forward is clear. A robust, transformative approach to devolution is imperative. Local governments must be granted the authority to levy taxes and generate revenue independently, ensuring that they have the resources to meet community needs. A transparent revenue-sharing model based on objective criteria—such as population density and local poverty levels—must be established, along with dedicated service funds for education, healthcare, sanitation and urban transport.
Legal reforms are equally critical. Local government legislation must be amended to clearly define the roles and responsibilities of local bodies, eliminating overlapping jurisdictions and ensuring that decision-making is free from undue interference. Establishing local service delivery boards, comprising elected representatives, technical experts and community leaders, would ensure that decisions are made in the best interests of the public. Formal mechanisms for intergovernmental coordination, such as joint planning sessions and regular review meetings, are essential to align local initiatives with provincial and national strategies.
Capacity building is the cornerstone of effective devolution. Comprehensive training programmes for local government officials in public administration, financial management and urban planning must be implemented. Specialised institutes, modelled after India’s NIRDPR, can serve as centres of excellence for local governance training and research. In addition, local governments must embrace modern technology—advanced IT systems, digital budgeting platforms and real-time monitoring tools are vital for ensuring transparency and efficient service delivery.
The future of our education, healthcare, urban infrastructure and overall quality of life depends on empowering local authorities with the legal, fiscal and administrative tools they need to meet community needs
Accountability and transparency must be prioritised. Independent local audit offices and citizen review boards should be established to conduct regular audits and monitor performance. Participatory budgeting, where citizens are directly involved in decision-making, will ensure that local resources are allocated in line with community priorities. Digital transparency portals can further bolster public trust by providing real-time access to local government data.
Ensuring continuity of functions during the transition to a decentralised system is also crucial. Comprehensive continuity plans covering leadership transitions, emergency preparedness and disaster recovery must be developed to ensure that essential services remain uninterrupted. A phased implementation strategy, beginning with pilot projects in select regions, will allow adjustments based on practical experience before nationwide reforms are introduced. Integrated monitoring systems that coordinate between local, provincial and central governments will help maintain service delivery and ensure prompt resolution of any issues.
Overcoming entrenched political and institutional barriers is essential. The pervasive influence of patronage and political interference must be curbed by reforming appointment processes to prioritise merit and transparency. Local officials’ career progression should be linked to performance outcomes, fostering a culture of accountability. Moreover, political parties must be held accountable for the devolution promises made in their manifestoes; independent watchdog groups should monitor progress and expose discrepancies between rhetoric and performance.
Comparative models from India and China offer valuable lessons. India’s experience with the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments shows that a strong legal mandate for local self-governance, combined with fiscal autonomy and participatory mechanisms, can lead to substantial improvements in service delivery. Successful examples from cities such as Ahmedabad and Bangalore, as well as rural projects in Kerala, underscore the transformative power of empowered local governments. Meanwhile, China’s approach—characterised by hierarchical delegation, innovative fiscal strategies and performance-based evaluations—demonstrates that even within a centralised system, local governments can achieve remarkable efficiency when provided with the right tools and incentives.
The implications for Pakistan are clear. We must strengthen legal frameworks to clarify local government powers, enhance fiscal autonomy through innovative revenue-generation and equitable revenue-sharing mechanisms, and make capacity building a national priority. Transparency and citizen participation are essential to ensure that local policies reflect community needs and that public resources are managed effectively. Above all, political parties must be held accountable for the devolution promises in their manifestoes, and government performance must be rigorously measured against these commitments.
It is high time that Pakistan’s long-promised devolution of powers becomes a reality rather than a recurring political slogan. The failures of centralised governance—from the catastrophic 2022 floods in Sindh and the urban decay in Karachi to the recent debacle in Balochistan, where Chief Minister Bugti abolished the Zakat Department amid gross mismanagement, and the incident at Mayo Hospital in Lahore where the Punjab Chief Minister’s high-handed conduct towards a resigned Medical Superintendent exposed provincial incompetence—demonstrate that our citizens continue to suffer while our political elites offer empty assurances. With per capita water availability and other vital resources having plummeted from over 5,000 cubic metres in 1947 to around 1,000 or less today (and in parts of Sindh, even below 800 cubic metres), the cost of inaction is measured in lives and livelihoods.
The proposals outlined above—strengthening fiscal autonomy, clarifying legal mandates, building capacity, enhancing accountability, ensuring continuity and overcoming political interference—provide a clear roadmap for transformative change. Drawing on successful models from India’s constitutional empowerment of local bodies and China’s innovative fiscal and performance evaluation strategies, Pakistan can build a governance system that is responsive, efficient and equitable.
The future of our education, healthcare, urban infrastructure and overall quality of life depends on empowering local authorities with the legal, fiscal and administrative tools they need to meet community needs. It is time to break free from the centralised model that has hampered progress for decades and build a future where every province, district and community receives its fair share of resources and opportunities. Only then can Pakistan secure its most precious resources for future generations and achieve the sustainable, inclusive development that our citizens deserve.