No doubt the balkanisation of Sindh and Balochistan would have far-reaching political, economic, ethnic and administrative consequences for the country, fuelling centrifugal forces. For the past four years, KPK has not yet been able to overcome the adverse political, economic and administrative repercussions of the merger of the erstwhile Federally Administered Tribal Agencies (FATA) into it. Even our political leaders have yet been unable to evolve a consensus on the annexation of these agencies into the province. Broadly, the people of KPK, like their fellow Pakistanis from the other small provinces, have resisted sham reforms driven by the deceptive purpose of tightening central control on the federating provinces. The Pathans have been following this political path since the imposition of One-Unit, and are very sensitive about any arbitrary change in their land.
Historically speaking, our elite and ruling class have always been ready to kill any proposal that diverges from their political, economic and financial interests or curtails their privileges. They have successfully thwarted vital political and economic reforms including the promotion of democratic culture and the redistribution of agricultural lands – concentrated in few hands. This task should have been undertaken in the first few years of independence like India. They have also foiled other reforms i.e. the development of viable, empowered and independent local governments with adequate financial resources for development at the grassroots level. Rather, the ruling class looks down upon the local governments as rivals with claims on the so-called constituency-development funds received by them as MNAs, MPAs, and Senators every year.
They have amassed privileges, perks and powers at the federal and provincial levels, monopolising government jobs, transfers, postings, and promotions, bank loans and lucrative contracts. They have been drawing heavy stipends and travelling and residential allowances every month. The UNDP’s National Development Report of 2021, as elaborated by Maliha Lodhi recently, found that the economic privileges given to Pakistan’s elite groups – including the political class, corporate sectors, landlords and the military – amounted to around $17.5 billion or about six percent of GDP. This narrow class, being the legacy of the British colony, is the biggest exploiter of the common populace of Pakistan.
We should discontinue the release of constituency development funds to MNAs, MPAs and Senators, and divert these funds to the empowered elected local governments
These dynasties trumpet the establishment’s diversionary and deflective propositions in a ‘political language ……. designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind’ (George Orwell). They have a highly developed instinct for political survival by artful encomium and subservience to powerful quarters. This self-centred class has been abetting the unelected forces to plunge the country into frequent political maelstroms. All the four provinces of the western part were amalgamated into One-Unit; the Basic Democracies adopted as an alternative to general elections, and ‘parity’ was introduced in flagrant arrogance to sidestep the majority of the eastern part.
The real purpose was to perpetuate the usurpation of power by Ayub Khan. His Convention Muslim League was clustered by this elite – including Sardars, feudal chiefs, landlords and Pirs. This sham territorial restructuring and sham Basic Democracy as an electoral exercise came to an abrupt end before the general elections of December 1970. Denying power to the Awami League, the majority party from the eastern wing, triggered civil strife and culminated in the humiliating dismemberment of Pakistan.
The disgraced nation unanimously adopted the 1973 Constitution and Parliamentary form of governance. This system was overturned in 1977. Was it a national urgency to do so and shift to the quasi-presidential form of governance, constitutionally transferring executive powers to an unelected President? The move was to save the neck of a violator of the Constitution. The Presidents with these powers dismissed four National Assemblies and four elected governments from 1985-2008. Our trajectory of sham administrative schemes that we began in 1955 has careered to the hybrid governance shamelessly engineered from the most controversial elections in the country.
Pakistan’s journey of 78 years is replete with the rapacious desire of the unelected forces and their shameless partners in power for stronger control over the levers of power, federal units and their resources. The proposition of dividing the country into 12 federal units is nothing more than the perverse continuation of the repetitive attempts for absolute authority. The exercise would be no cure to our national ills. Rather, it would aggravate our fault lines. Our problems arise out of the broken political, economic and administrative systems. We have been shy of reforming these structures to ensure democratic, representative and good governance, and rule of law with the state institutions working within their constitutional boundaries. We need strong third tiers of governance with a credible system of public accountability. The metropolises of Karachi, Hyderabad, Lahore, Multan, and Faisalabad should have their separate local government systems similar to the megacities of the world.
The size of territory, population and economy of any federal unit causes no problem in reasonably functional political and administrative systems. California and Texas, with big economies – the seventh and eighth economy of the world respectively – have developed democratic and representative governance with defined institutional responsibilities and accountability. In our own region, Uttar Pradesh in India has a population of 242 million – slightly less than our country. Since India has better political and administrative systems at the federal and provincial levels, UP as a single state has been delivering well through its provincial and local government institutions.
What we need is to free our electoral exercise from the executive’s interference, and strengthen the independence of the Election Commission of Pakistan. Our elections have become too expensive and favour the rich. Therefore, it would be advisable to shift to proportional representation with the political parties and the state bearing electoral expenses in an effort to bring forward a maximum number of educated contestants. We should discontinue the release of constituency development funds to MNAs, MPAs and Senators, and divert these funds to the empowered elected local governments.