Signs Of A Deal? Reading Between The Lines Of The Khan-Establishment Thaw

Could the hospital transfer be the first tangible sign of a political thaw between Khan and the Establishment? Could it eventually lead to his release? And if so, might we be witnessing the early stages of yet another political deal?

Signs Of A Deal? Reading Between The Lines Of The Khan-Establishment Thaw

Former prime minister Imran Khan’s transfer from Adiala Jail to Shifa International Hospital in Islamabad may, on the face of it, be no more than what the Supreme Court ordered: a medical examination by a court-appointed medical board. And that is precisely how it should be viewed unless there is evidence to suggest otherwise. Yet in Pakistan, politics rarely permits events to remain merely what they appear to be. The moment Khan was moved out of prison, speculation began about whether something larger was unfolding behind the scenes. Could the hospital transfer be the first tangible sign of a political thaw between Khan and the Establishment? Could it eventually lead to his release? And if so, might we be witnessing the early stages of yet another political deal? 

 These questions are not entirely fanciful. Pakistan’s political history has taught its citizens to look beyond the formal explanation of events. Political prisoners have been released, cases have disappeared, governments have fallen and political rivals have suddenly become allies after apparently irreconcilable confrontations. Deals, understandings and accommodations, formal or otherwise have long been part of the country’s political vocabulary. But there is an important distinction between recognizing that possibility and assuming that a deal has already been struck. 

 The Supreme Court’s order was significant. On August 18, the court directed that Khan be moved from prison to Shifa International Hospital for medical examination, with a medical panel that includes specialists and his personal physician. The order followed continuing concerns over his health, particularly his eyesight. The government initially resisted aspects of the order and sought its review, arguing that treatment of prisoners in private hospitals raised questions of legal principle and equal treatment. None of this, by itself, constitutes evidence of a political bargain. What has made the speculation considerably more interesting, however, is what happened alongside the court-ordered medical relief. 

 In an interview with Reuters, Zulfi Bukhari, one of Khan’s closest aides and a senior PTI figure, offered what appeared to be an unusually conciliatory message. He indicated that if Khan were released, he would not seek confrontation with the military or Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir. Bukhari portrayed Khan as sufficiently magnanimous to avoid actions that could damage the country and suggested that reconciliation could contribute to national stability. That is a remarkable departure from the language that has characterized the confrontation between PTI and the military establishment for much of the past three years. 

 For a party that has built a substantial part of its political narrative around resistance to the Establishment, any suggestion that Khan, if released, would deliberately avoid confrontation is bound to attract attention. It also raises the obvious question: why say this now? One possible explanation is simply pragmatism. PTI may have concluded that perpetual confrontation has produced diminishing returns. Khan remains enormously influential among his supporters, but he has also been in prison since 2023, while his party has endured arrests, legal cases, restrictions and political uncertainty. 

Deals, understandings and accommodations, formal or otherwise have long been part of the country’s political vocabulary. But there is an important distinction between recognizing that possibility and assuming that a deal has already been struck.

A change in tone could therefore be an attempt to create political space without requiring Khan to abandon his fundamental political position. There is another possibility, of course: that the statement is part of a broader process of de-escalation. That does not necessarily mean a secret deal has already been concluded. Political negotiations often begin not with a signed agreement but with signals. One side softens its language. The other allows some room for manoeuvre. Lawyers pursue a particular legal route. Access is granted. Restrictions are eased. Individuals begin communicating through intermediaries. Eventually, if the circumstances permit, these incremental steps can produce a larger political understanding. 

 This is precisely why the sequence of events has attracted so much attention. Yet there is an important reason for caution. Reuters also reported that there were no talks currently taking place between PTI and the military, while PTI continues to plan a nationwide protest for September 27. That hardly resembles a political settlement already in its final stages. Moreover, the Establishment has every reason to be wary of Khan. The relationship between the two sides did not merely deteriorate; it collapsed spectacularly. What began as an alliance between a popular political leader and a powerful military establishment eventually became one of the most bitter political confrontations in Pakistan’s recent history. 

 Trust, once destroyed, is not easily reconstructed. And there is another complication: what exactly would a “deal” mean? Would it mean Khan’s release in exchange for an assurance that he would not challenge the military leadership? Would it involve the withdrawal or suspension of cases? Would PTI be allowed greater political space? Would there be an understanding regarding future elections? Or would it simply mean an end to confrontation without any formal bargain? 

 These are very different possibilities. The temptation in Pakistan is to reduce every political development to the question: What is the deal? But sometimes the more important question is: What is changing? If Khan’s rhetoric changes, if PTI’s rhetoric changes, if restrictions are gradually eased, if court proceedings begin moving in a particular direction, and if the government and PTI quietly return to negotiations, then the cumulative evidence would become difficult to dismiss as coincidence. 

 For now, however, we have something more intriguing than proof: we have signals. The hospital transfer is one signal. The Supreme Court’s intervention is another. Bukhari’s comments to Reuters are perhaps the most politically consequential signal of all. The real test will be what happens next. If Khan returns to Adiala after his medical examination and the political confrontation continues exactly as before, the deal theory may prove to be little more than another chapter in Pakistan’s endless rumour mill. But if the medical transfer is followed by greater access, legal relief, political negotiations, a change in PTI’s rhetoric and ultimately Khan’s release, then historians may look back at these seemingly modest developments as the beginning of something much bigger. 

 For now, therefore, it is too early to declare that a deal has been made. But it may not be too early to ask whether the possibility of a deal has begun to enter the political conversation. And in Pakistan, sometimes that is how the biggest deals begin.

The author is a journalist based in Karachi. His X/Twitter handle is @omar_quraishi

Email: omarrquraishi@gmail.com