The recent anti-narcotics crackdown launched across Sindh has triggered a wave of transfers, suspensions and departmental actions within the police department. However, serious questions are now being raised regarding the credibility and fairness of the operation, as critics argue that only lower-ranking officers are being made scapegoats while senior officials and politically influential figures allegedly involved in the narcotics and gutka trade remain untouched.
The action reportedly intensified after strong reactions from what officials privately describe as “powerful circles,” following growing public criticism over the unchecked spread of narcotics, gutka, mawa and Indian chalia (betel nut products) across Sindh. In recent weeks, a number of junior police officials and officers of small scale have been transferred to the infamous “B Company”—a term commonly used within police circles for punishment postings and disciplinary sidelining.
However, according to several serving and retired officials, the real decision-makers and facilitators within the system have largely escaped accountability.
“The lower-rank officers i.e SHO, Inspectors, Sub-Inspectors cannot operate such massive illegal networks independently,” said a retired senior police officer requesting anonymity. “The gutka and narcotics economy in Sindh runs through organized patronage structures involving influential political actors, police officials and local financiers.”
Despite repeated official claims of strict action, not a single senior police officer of SSP rank or above has faced any visible disciplinary proceedings, suspension or criminal inquiry. Critics believe this selective accountability exposes the structural limitations of the ongoing campaign.
The illegal trade of gutka, mawa and Indian chalia has evolved into a multi-billion rupee underground economy in Sindh over the last decade. Although gutka remains officially banned, its production, transportation and open sale continue in many districts with little fear of enforcement.
Karachi, Hyderabad, Thatta, Sujawal, Badin, Tando Muhammad Khan, Tharparkar and Umerkot are considered among the worst affected regions, where gutka and mawa products are easily available even near schools, markets and public transport stops.
Near one hundred lower rank offices sidelined, suspended and reported to head officer CE Karachi, but only two SSPs of district Sanghar Abid Baloch, and SSP of Umerkot Uzair Memon removed from their positions in connection of Gutkw, mava, and Indian Chalia trade.
Health experts warn that the widespread consumption of these products has created a silent public health emergency.
Doctors in Sindh’s public hospitals say oral cancer cases have increased alarmingly in recent years, particularly among youth and low-income communities. Medical professionals working in Karachi and Hyderabad claim that patients from lower districts are increasingly arriving with advanced stages of mouth and throat cancer linked directly to long-term gutka and mawa consumption.
According to oncologists, the situation has become especially dangerous in rural Sindh where awareness remains limited while illegal products remain cheaply accessible.
Several analysts and civil society activists allege that the trade survives because of political protection provided by influential figures associated with ruling power structures. Local distributors and manufacturers are widely believed to operate under unofficial arrangements that ensure uninterrupted business in exchange for financial benefits.
In many districts, residents openly claim that police stations are fully aware of warehouses, transport routes and retail suppliers involved in the business.
“The entire supply chain is visible,” said a social activist from Badin. “No truck carrying banned material can move without protection. Everyone knows who benefits from it.”
Observers note that successive governments in Sindh have repeatedly announced operations against gutka and narcotics, yet the trade continues to flourish. Temporary crackdowns are often followed by quiet restoration of the same networks.
Public frustration has intensified as addiction and health-related consequences continue to spread among younger populations. Parents, teachers and medical professionals have repeatedly demanded decisive action not only against street-level sellers but also against the influential figures allegedly financing and protecting the trade.
Legal experts argue that without independent investigations into senior police officials and political patrons, the current operation risks becoming another symbolic exercise designed mainly for optics.
“The state cannot defeat narcotics and gutka mafias by sacrificing only junior officers,” said a Karachi-based legal analyst. “Unless accountability reaches the top layers of protection networks, nothing substantial will change.”
As Sindh continues to battle rising addiction, deteriorating public health and expanding illegal markets, many citizens believe the real test of the government’s seriousness lies not in punishing low-ranking personnel, but in whether it is willing to confront the powerful individuals long accused of enabling the system from behind the scenes.