The argument that climate justice is a paradox is based on a logical interpretation of the global economic pattern. Climate change is inherently connected with the industrial revolution, which transformed global hegemony and enabled an increase in capitalist footprints. It is not about the states producing carbon emissions; it is about the hegemonic groups controlling resources and securitising these groups through systematic governance and politics of the elites. It seems like the four essentials of the state -- population, territory, sovereignty and government -- were developed to secure the capitalisation of the hegemonic classes under an organised elite-political and stooged-autocratical formula.
Although the post-industrial revolution allowed urban classes to secure some stable positions within the hegemonic circles, it is foreseeable that such empowerment has not challenged the hegemony, and there is overexploitation of the resources. Despite the attempts of techno-centric climate reform models, the urban classes are facing the worst climate crisis. The urban classes have become a major contributor in carbon emissions and simultaneously are affected by heatwaves, floods and draughts without realising the source issues. A future urban class will most likely exacerbate the inherent climate crisis, which will contradict their own theory of development as a sustainable society.
Capitalism, as a set of institutions, has structured the resource capitalisation by indulging the urban classes in some sort of natural actors in the state systems designed to market a thought known as 'human footprint'. Different climate change assessments by the state authorities in terms of 'human footprints' essentially attempt to deviate the attention of the urban classes from the original reason (that is, capitalist-carbon footprint). Capitalisation of energy which began with the industrial revolution has fostered economic growth of the hegemonic classes, which somehow improved the standards of the urban classes. Such transformation has given a sense of 'human footprint', which has convinced the urban classes that all humans are causing climate change, which is irreversible.
Certain features of capitalism that have generated constant economic growth through profit maximisation have implicated the urban class as one of the most responsible classes for the climate crisis. Therefore, the heterodox view that capitalism is the basic cause of the climate crisis has not gained much attention, and the urban classes somehow accept that change in the current system is impossible. In such a scenario, a green transition or blue economy as a replacement to the current global economic pattern has lost its significance, and due to that, flooding, draughts and heatwaves will also increase and will impact all the classes except hegemonic ones.
It is time to realise that the structural formation of governance is for the protection of the hegemonic interests, not for the empowerment of the urban class or alleviation of the poor from poverty. Taking Pakistan as an example, the hegemonic classes are not affected; it is the poor or the middle class facing the loss.
In recognition of the climate crisis, the urban classes may question the orthodox concept of 'human footprint'. There is no need to captivate 'socialism' as a solution; any possible solution may come out through consensus on social-capital transformation. The transition requires shifting energy capitalisation from carbon to renewable, community-based management systems and green consumption models. Here, it is worth noting that equal participation in global and local regulatory reforms is needed in responding to the climate crisis.
No doubt the fact that the urban classes have the resources and capacity to transform the global economic pattern, the capability of the urban classes can be enhanced through appropriate utilisation of scientific and civil societies. In order to cover up the economic losses, social chaos and climate injustice, the urban classes have to think about getting rid of dependence on the hegemonic classes.
The UN chief’s comment, “Today it is Pakistan, and tomorrow it could be your country”, reveals that the deep structure across the global governance securing the interests of the hegemonic classes is not going to spare any urban or poor class anywhere in the world. Such critique gives birth to an alternative vision of global governance, security and economics for a better climate and environment through sustainable utilisation of resources.
In a nutshell, it is high time to address the burdens associated with such structural shifts in global governance; the dams and waterways deviating from floods are not permanent solutions, and there is a need to reach a global-social consensus for climate justice.
Although the post-industrial revolution allowed urban classes to secure some stable positions within the hegemonic circles, it is foreseeable that such empowerment has not challenged the hegemony, and there is overexploitation of the resources. Despite the attempts of techno-centric climate reform models, the urban classes are facing the worst climate crisis. The urban classes have become a major contributor in carbon emissions and simultaneously are affected by heatwaves, floods and draughts without realising the source issues. A future urban class will most likely exacerbate the inherent climate crisis, which will contradict their own theory of development as a sustainable society.
Capitalism, as a set of institutions, has structured the resource capitalisation by indulging the urban classes in some sort of natural actors in the state systems designed to market a thought known as 'human footprint'. Different climate change assessments by the state authorities in terms of 'human footprints' essentially attempt to deviate the attention of the urban classes from the original reason (that is, capitalist-carbon footprint). Capitalisation of energy which began with the industrial revolution has fostered economic growth of the hegemonic classes, which somehow improved the standards of the urban classes. Such transformation has given a sense of 'human footprint', which has convinced the urban classes that all humans are causing climate change, which is irreversible.
Certain features of capitalism that have generated constant economic growth through profit maximisation have implicated the urban class as one of the most responsible classes for the climate crisis. Therefore, the heterodox view that capitalism is the basic cause of the climate crisis has not gained much attention, and the urban classes somehow accept that change in the current system is impossible. In such a scenario, a green transition or blue economy as a replacement to the current global economic pattern has lost its significance, and due to that, flooding, draughts and heatwaves will also increase and will impact all the classes except hegemonic ones.
Capitalisation of energy which began with the industrial revolution has fostered economic growth of the hegemonic classes, which somehow improved the standards of the urban classes. Such transformation has given a sense of 'human footprint', which has convinced the urban classes that all humans are causing climate change, which is irreversible.
It is time to realise that the structural formation of governance is for the protection of the hegemonic interests, not for the empowerment of the urban class or alleviation of the poor from poverty. Taking Pakistan as an example, the hegemonic classes are not affected; it is the poor or the middle class facing the loss.
In recognition of the climate crisis, the urban classes may question the orthodox concept of 'human footprint'. There is no need to captivate 'socialism' as a solution; any possible solution may come out through consensus on social-capital transformation. The transition requires shifting energy capitalisation from carbon to renewable, community-based management systems and green consumption models. Here, it is worth noting that equal participation in global and local regulatory reforms is needed in responding to the climate crisis.
No doubt the fact that the urban classes have the resources and capacity to transform the global economic pattern, the capability of the urban classes can be enhanced through appropriate utilisation of scientific and civil societies. In order to cover up the economic losses, social chaos and climate injustice, the urban classes have to think about getting rid of dependence on the hegemonic classes.
The UN chief’s comment, “Today it is Pakistan, and tomorrow it could be your country”, reveals that the deep structure across the global governance securing the interests of the hegemonic classes is not going to spare any urban or poor class anywhere in the world. Such critique gives birth to an alternative vision of global governance, security and economics for a better climate and environment through sustainable utilisation of resources.
In a nutshell, it is high time to address the burdens associated with such structural shifts in global governance; the dams and waterways deviating from floods are not permanent solutions, and there is a need to reach a global-social consensus for climate justice.