Mullah Fazlullah, the notorious chief of the Pakistani Taliban, was reported killed in an airstrike in Afghanistan’s eastern Nangarhar province on January 25. There was no confirmation by security officials on either side of the Durand Line. Then, there were claims that Khan Sayed Sajna, a commander of the Mehsud Taliban reported dead in a US drone strike in the Khost province of Afghanistan in November, is still alive.
These reported deaths and resurfacing of Taliban leaders is nothing new in the war on terror that began in 2001. According to one analyst, they seem to have “multiple lives”. Most blame professional competition among reporters, lack of integrity, and government and Taliban influence on reporters as the reasons behind this misreporting.
Mullah Fazlullah has been reported dead on at least six different occasions. In July 2009, there were reports that he had been critically injured during fighting with security forces in Swat and succumbed to his wounds later. Three months later, he spoke to BBC himself to deny the reports.
In May 2010, he was reported dead in a battle with Afghan security forces in Nuristan province. Less than three years later, in October 2013, there were reports that he had died during clashes with Afghan Taliban in Kunar province.
Then, in December 2014, reports quoting social media accounts of the Pakistani Defence Ministry said Fazlullah had died in a Pakistan Air Force raid in Kunar district of Afghanistan. On March 23, 2015, he was reported dead yet again during air strikes in Tirah valley in Khyber Agency. It was termed “a gift to the nation on Pakistan Day.”
The most recent report of Fazlullah’s killing was carried by a UAE-based newspaper, which was then cited by some Pakistani TV channels.
Rasool Dawar, a senior correspondent with Geo News, says a heightened competition over who gets the news first is the reasons behind the phenomenon. “Electronic media are more likely than print media to carry unconfirmed reports,” he says. “In trying to beat their opponents, reporters sometimes make blunders.” Such mistakes can be easily avoided if editors verify their reports from multiple sources. “To report from tribal areas, a reporter must have good connections with intelligence agencies, political administrations, local tribesmen, and sometimes even some militants.” Sometimes, big stories about militant commanders are propagated by their rival Taliban factions.
Intercepted radio communications are also a major source of news. But the militants often use code words that may be misleading. Radio communications are especially closely monitored when drone strikes take place. Confirming the death of a militant leader in an ‘inaccessible area’ is a challenging job.
A journalist from the tribal areas, who asked not to be named, said parties to the conflict often use ‘unskilled journalists’ in their propaganda wars. “And sometimes, intelligence officials would leak a false report about the killing of a key Taliban leader, so that when the militants contact the reporters to contradict them, they trace their whereabouts.”
The Taliban also sometimes leak fake reports about the death of their leaders, says Farooq Mehsud, editor of the news website Waziristan Times. “This happens as part of a strategy,” he says. “In such cases, journalists are usually deceived by old, reliable sources in Taliban,” he said.
Hakimullah Mehsud, the predecessor of Fazlullah, was also reported dead several times. On August 8, 2009, he was reported killed in an exchange of fire with another commander Waliur Rehman. On February 9, 2010, he was reported killed in a drone strike. Another report said he was seriously injured and died eventually in Multan, while on his way to Karachi for treatment. On January 15, 2012 he was reported dead in a drone strike yet again. When he was finally killed in a drone strike in November 2013, the Taliban confirmed his death.
Baitullah Mehsud, the founding leader of TTP, was reported dead because of a kidney failure in September 2008. He resurfaced, and was finally killed in a US drone strike in August 2009.
Qari Hussain, the dreaded Taliban commander known as ‘teacher of suicide bombers’ was first reported killed in January 2008 when his home was destroyed by security forces. But four months later, he appeared at a news conference and mocked the reports. Another report on June 23, 2009 said he died in a missile attack. Then in January 2010, he was reported dead in drone strike.
Faqir Muhammad, the former deputy chief of TTP, was reportedly killed on March 5, 2010 during a helicopter attack in Bajaur Agency. He resurfaced in July 2011. He was eventually arrested by Afghan security forces in February 2013.
Adnan Rashid, head of Ansar Al Aseer, a TTP unit tasked with freeing their imprisoned militants, was announced dead when security forces pounded militant hideouts in Mir Ali, North Waziristan, in January 2014. Five months later, news emerged about his arrest from South Waziristan. Both the military and the Taliban denied the authenticity of the report.
Some reporters say poor compensation is a reason behind this misreporting. “Even foreign wire services pay around Rs 1,200 per contribution to their stringers,” one reporter said. “Such reporters don’t care too much about authenticity, and want to make as many contributions as possible.”
Another journalist said reporters sometimes mislead each other as well, because of professional jealousy.
These reported deaths and resurfacing of Taliban leaders is nothing new in the war on terror that began in 2001. According to one analyst, they seem to have “multiple lives”. Most blame professional competition among reporters, lack of integrity, and government and Taliban influence on reporters as the reasons behind this misreporting.
Mullah Fazlullah has been reported dead on at least six different occasions. In July 2009, there were reports that he had been critically injured during fighting with security forces in Swat and succumbed to his wounds later. Three months later, he spoke to BBC himself to deny the reports.
Electronic media carry unconfirmed reports more often
In May 2010, he was reported dead in a battle with Afghan security forces in Nuristan province. Less than three years later, in October 2013, there were reports that he had died during clashes with Afghan Taliban in Kunar province.
Then, in December 2014, reports quoting social media accounts of the Pakistani Defence Ministry said Fazlullah had died in a Pakistan Air Force raid in Kunar district of Afghanistan. On March 23, 2015, he was reported dead yet again during air strikes in Tirah valley in Khyber Agency. It was termed “a gift to the nation on Pakistan Day.”
The most recent report of Fazlullah’s killing was carried by a UAE-based newspaper, which was then cited by some Pakistani TV channels.
Rasool Dawar, a senior correspondent with Geo News, says a heightened competition over who gets the news first is the reasons behind the phenomenon. “Electronic media are more likely than print media to carry unconfirmed reports,” he says. “In trying to beat their opponents, reporters sometimes make blunders.” Such mistakes can be easily avoided if editors verify their reports from multiple sources. “To report from tribal areas, a reporter must have good connections with intelligence agencies, political administrations, local tribesmen, and sometimes even some militants.” Sometimes, big stories about militant commanders are propagated by their rival Taliban factions.
Intercepted radio communications are also a major source of news. But the militants often use code words that may be misleading. Radio communications are especially closely monitored when drone strikes take place. Confirming the death of a militant leader in an ‘inaccessible area’ is a challenging job.
A journalist from the tribal areas, who asked not to be named, said parties to the conflict often use ‘unskilled journalists’ in their propaganda wars. “And sometimes, intelligence officials would leak a false report about the killing of a key Taliban leader, so that when the militants contact the reporters to contradict them, they trace their whereabouts.”
The Taliban also sometimes leak fake reports about the death of their leaders, says Farooq Mehsud, editor of the news website Waziristan Times. “This happens as part of a strategy,” he says. “In such cases, journalists are usually deceived by old, reliable sources in Taliban,” he said.
Hakimullah Mehsud, the predecessor of Fazlullah, was also reported dead several times. On August 8, 2009, he was reported killed in an exchange of fire with another commander Waliur Rehman. On February 9, 2010, he was reported killed in a drone strike. Another report said he was seriously injured and died eventually in Multan, while on his way to Karachi for treatment. On January 15, 2012 he was reported dead in a drone strike yet again. When he was finally killed in a drone strike in November 2013, the Taliban confirmed his death.
Baitullah Mehsud, the founding leader of TTP, was reported dead because of a kidney failure in September 2008. He resurfaced, and was finally killed in a US drone strike in August 2009.
Qari Hussain, the dreaded Taliban commander known as ‘teacher of suicide bombers’ was first reported killed in January 2008 when his home was destroyed by security forces. But four months later, he appeared at a news conference and mocked the reports. Another report on June 23, 2009 said he died in a missile attack. Then in January 2010, he was reported dead in drone strike.
Faqir Muhammad, the former deputy chief of TTP, was reportedly killed on March 5, 2010 during a helicopter attack in Bajaur Agency. He resurfaced in July 2011. He was eventually arrested by Afghan security forces in February 2013.
Adnan Rashid, head of Ansar Al Aseer, a TTP unit tasked with freeing their imprisoned militants, was announced dead when security forces pounded militant hideouts in Mir Ali, North Waziristan, in January 2014. Five months later, news emerged about his arrest from South Waziristan. Both the military and the Taliban denied the authenticity of the report.
Some reporters say poor compensation is a reason behind this misreporting. “Even foreign wire services pay around Rs 1,200 per contribution to their stringers,” one reporter said. “Such reporters don’t care too much about authenticity, and want to make as many contributions as possible.”
Another journalist said reporters sometimes mislead each other as well, because of professional jealousy.