A proposal to stage rallies to counter Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaaf (PTI) anti-government campaign was abandoned when the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) failed to evolve a consensus on the issue.
Sources in the cabinet say at least half of the ministers insisted on delivering the promises the party made to the electorates instead, and improving governance that is by no means praiseworthy. They agreed that an immense pressure is mounting on the PML-N government in the streets of Pakistan, thanks to cable networks which propagated anti-Nawaz narrative in a manner never seen before in the last three decades.
Members of the prime minister’s cabinet have no doubts that the core theme of the anti-Nawaz narrative was designed somewhere else, and that the D-Chowk was just used as a delivery portal. They just can’t say it aloud.
Squeezed by pressure from all sides, the prime minister has found a comfort zone of sycophants. He forgot that same sycophancy cost him dearly on October 12, 1999.
[quote]PTI has transformed its Dharna into an election campaign [/quote]
Books were written on what had led to the military coup 15 years ago, but lessons were not learnt. And which was the bigger crime of Gen Musharraf: the October 12 military coup or November 3 emergency? To justify its position on that the PML-N has taken refuge behind a verdict of the Supreme Court.
The 14th anniversary of Gen Musharraf’s military takeover passed unnoticed as if it has been erased from the nation’s memory. The generals who orchestrated the coup were never questioned.
“I still believe the military coup of 1999 was the biggest crime of Gen Musharraf. He should have been tried for that,” said Syed Zafar Ali Shah.
Shah had challenged the military intervention in the Supreme Court then consisting of judges who had taken a new oath under Musharraf’s provisional constitution order, including Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry. The court allowed Gen Musharraf to rule the country for three years and even gave him arbitrary powers to amend the Constitution.
“I urge the prime minister to apply Article 6 on Gen Musharraf for the military takeover of October 1999. It is useless to try him for imposing a state of emergency on November 3 (2007),” said Shah, who is also a senior Supreme Court advocate.
Regardless of individual perceptions, the ground realities do not permit the prime minister to open another front with Gen Musharraf’s former institution. His trial has already pushed the government into a tight corner. And now when PM Sharif really wants to get rid of him, he is refusing to go abroad. Gen Musharraf already announced he would soon start countrywide rallies just like Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri.
Mr Shah said nobody could stop PM Sharif even if he redecorated Gen Ziauddin Butt and add his name to the list of former army chiefs.
The botched attempt to fire Gen Musharraf and appoint Gen Butt as his successor had then created a dangerous situation for the army. It is said the then defense secretary did not issue the notification of Gen Butt’s appointment as COAS that allowed Gen Musharraf’s loyal generals strategic time to move in.
“There is no need of notifications in such appointments. And once the prime minister had announced my appointment, I became the chief of army staff,” Gen Butt said.
He claimed he did not want to create a rift among the ranks of the armed forces, which could have been extremely dangerous for the existence of Pakistan. “I decided to leave silently in the larger interest of my country and my institution. But will someone explain why I languished in jail for almost three years?”
A few years ago both ex-President Zardari and PM Sharif vowed at a press conference to try Gen Musharraf on charges of high treason. Now the former president mocks at the prime minister for rocking his own boat.
Gen Rashid Qureshi, a close aide of Gen Musharraf, said bad governance and undermining the state institutions led to the military coup of 1999. He said PM Sharif is making the same mistake he committed 15 years ago.
Ironically, the prime minister’s own house is not in order. To begin, with PM Sharif never compensated his loyal general. He even ignored many of his loyalists who took care of the party while he was enjoying Saudi hospitality in Saroor Palace.
He ignored the party’s secretary general Iqbal Zafar Jhagra when names for governor of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa were being considered. Now his party is divided in the province, into Amir Muqam and Sabir Shah groups. Mr Sharif’s haughty attitude forced Javed Hashmi to fall into Imran Khan’s lap. He took ages to recognize the sacrifices of a stalwart, Siddiqul Farooq. Ignoring people like Ghous Ali Shah has dwindled the prospects of performing better in Sindh. Last but not the least, why has PM Sharif not yet found anyone worthy or trustworthy to be appointed as full-time foreign minister or defense minister?
Some ministers and heads of corporations revealed they were struggling for months to have an appointment with the prime minister. “A couple of times I requested the prime minister to give me a few minutes to discuss important projects, but I am still waiting for my turn. The bureaucrats running the affairs of the PM House have alienated the prime minister from his loyal colleagues,” a senior official said.
Meanwhile, the PTI chairman has successfully transformed his two-month old Dharna into an election campaign hoping to become the prime minister in case the mid-term elections are held next year or any time sooner.
Mr Khan supposedly believed the military establishment would kick Mr Sharif out of power to his advantage. That did not occur. After garnering support from major political players, the prime ministers tried his level best to repair his relations with the military establishment as well. He even became the first head of government to visit North Waziristan to praise the soldiers, busy cleansing the troubled regions of Taliban and Al Qaeda militants.
The present-day politics in Pakistan is more like an interactive theater where the show organizers must adapt to the changing needs and modes of the audience. Perhaps, therefore, Mr Khan shifted his focus from D-Chowk to rest of the country.
Perturbed with Mr Khan’s solo-flight, the so-called Inqilabi Dr Tahirul Qadri is also hitting major cities to test the waters.
It would be no less than a miracle if the Nawaz government completes its five-year term. And if it does, what about its popularity after five years of inaction, bad governance, corruption and broken promises?
As far as the second largest political player – the Pakistan People’s Party – is concerned, it would never encourage any move to hold early elections for two core reasons. First, the former president wants his son to mobilize and prepare the party before the next elections which would take time. Secondly, he himself said he was enjoying the fight between the PTI and the PML-N.
He is patiently waiting for the opportune moment to strike.
Shahzad Raza is an Islamabad-based journalist
Twitter: @shahzadrez
Sources in the cabinet say at least half of the ministers insisted on delivering the promises the party made to the electorates instead, and improving governance that is by no means praiseworthy. They agreed that an immense pressure is mounting on the PML-N government in the streets of Pakistan, thanks to cable networks which propagated anti-Nawaz narrative in a manner never seen before in the last three decades.
Members of the prime minister’s cabinet have no doubts that the core theme of the anti-Nawaz narrative was designed somewhere else, and that the D-Chowk was just used as a delivery portal. They just can’t say it aloud.
Squeezed by pressure from all sides, the prime minister has found a comfort zone of sycophants. He forgot that same sycophancy cost him dearly on October 12, 1999.
[quote]PTI has transformed its Dharna into an election campaign [/quote]
Books were written on what had led to the military coup 15 years ago, but lessons were not learnt. And which was the bigger crime of Gen Musharraf: the October 12 military coup or November 3 emergency? To justify its position on that the PML-N has taken refuge behind a verdict of the Supreme Court.
The 14th anniversary of Gen Musharraf’s military takeover passed unnoticed as if it has been erased from the nation’s memory. The generals who orchestrated the coup were never questioned.
“I still believe the military coup of 1999 was the biggest crime of Gen Musharraf. He should have been tried for that,” said Syed Zafar Ali Shah.
Shah had challenged the military intervention in the Supreme Court then consisting of judges who had taken a new oath under Musharraf’s provisional constitution order, including Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry. The court allowed Gen Musharraf to rule the country for three years and even gave him arbitrary powers to amend the Constitution.
“I urge the prime minister to apply Article 6 on Gen Musharraf for the military takeover of October 1999. It is useless to try him for imposing a state of emergency on November 3 (2007),” said Shah, who is also a senior Supreme Court advocate.
Regardless of individual perceptions, the ground realities do not permit the prime minister to open another front with Gen Musharraf’s former institution. His trial has already pushed the government into a tight corner. And now when PM Sharif really wants to get rid of him, he is refusing to go abroad. Gen Musharraf already announced he would soon start countrywide rallies just like Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri.
Mr Shah said nobody could stop PM Sharif even if he redecorated Gen Ziauddin Butt and add his name to the list of former army chiefs.
The botched attempt to fire Gen Musharraf and appoint Gen Butt as his successor had then created a dangerous situation for the army. It is said the then defense secretary did not issue the notification of Gen Butt’s appointment as COAS that allowed Gen Musharraf’s loyal generals strategic time to move in.
“There is no need of notifications in such appointments. And once the prime minister had announced my appointment, I became the chief of army staff,” Gen Butt said.
He claimed he did not want to create a rift among the ranks of the armed forces, which could have been extremely dangerous for the existence of Pakistan. “I decided to leave silently in the larger interest of my country and my institution. But will someone explain why I languished in jail for almost three years?”
A few years ago both ex-President Zardari and PM Sharif vowed at a press conference to try Gen Musharraf on charges of high treason. Now the former president mocks at the prime minister for rocking his own boat.
Gen Rashid Qureshi, a close aide of Gen Musharraf, said bad governance and undermining the state institutions led to the military coup of 1999. He said PM Sharif is making the same mistake he committed 15 years ago.
Ironically, the prime minister’s own house is not in order. To begin, with PM Sharif never compensated his loyal general. He even ignored many of his loyalists who took care of the party while he was enjoying Saudi hospitality in Saroor Palace.
He ignored the party’s secretary general Iqbal Zafar Jhagra when names for governor of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa were being considered. Now his party is divided in the province, into Amir Muqam and Sabir Shah groups. Mr Sharif’s haughty attitude forced Javed Hashmi to fall into Imran Khan’s lap. He took ages to recognize the sacrifices of a stalwart, Siddiqul Farooq. Ignoring people like Ghous Ali Shah has dwindled the prospects of performing better in Sindh. Last but not the least, why has PM Sharif not yet found anyone worthy or trustworthy to be appointed as full-time foreign minister or defense minister?
Some ministers and heads of corporations revealed they were struggling for months to have an appointment with the prime minister. “A couple of times I requested the prime minister to give me a few minutes to discuss important projects, but I am still waiting for my turn. The bureaucrats running the affairs of the PM House have alienated the prime minister from his loyal colleagues,” a senior official said.
Meanwhile, the PTI chairman has successfully transformed his two-month old Dharna into an election campaign hoping to become the prime minister in case the mid-term elections are held next year or any time sooner.
Mr Khan supposedly believed the military establishment would kick Mr Sharif out of power to his advantage. That did not occur. After garnering support from major political players, the prime ministers tried his level best to repair his relations with the military establishment as well. He even became the first head of government to visit North Waziristan to praise the soldiers, busy cleansing the troubled regions of Taliban and Al Qaeda militants.
The present-day politics in Pakistan is more like an interactive theater where the show organizers must adapt to the changing needs and modes of the audience. Perhaps, therefore, Mr Khan shifted his focus from D-Chowk to rest of the country.
Perturbed with Mr Khan’s solo-flight, the so-called Inqilabi Dr Tahirul Qadri is also hitting major cities to test the waters.
It would be no less than a miracle if the Nawaz government completes its five-year term. And if it does, what about its popularity after five years of inaction, bad governance, corruption and broken promises?
As far as the second largest political player – the Pakistan People’s Party – is concerned, it would never encourage any move to hold early elections for two core reasons. First, the former president wants his son to mobilize and prepare the party before the next elections which would take time. Secondly, he himself said he was enjoying the fight between the PTI and the PML-N.
He is patiently waiting for the opportune moment to strike.
Shahzad Raza is an Islamabad-based journalist
Twitter: @shahzadrez