Historically, the Pakistan military establishment has been anti-democracy. They have maintained that politics and politicians impact national interests of Pakistan adversely. Jail terms, black laws, Bhutto’s hanging… highlight this thought process evidently.
Successive military governments have supported journalists and intellectuals that are anti-democracy and anti-politicians. Propaganda machinery has worked against politicians and democracy for far too long. Political groups and parties on the fringes have been promoted, and the narrative supported by these parties or groups have served the purpose of the military establishment very well. It doesn’t matter if the military establishment is ruling the country or is in the barracks, unannounced partnership with such political groups has always continued.
In the wake of 9/11, the military establishment started taking issues related to Pakistan’s image seriously. It could not afford to be at the centre of political controversies as it was too consumed by counter-insurgencies. The then COAS General Ashfaq Parvez Kiyani strongly advocated political consensus among major political groups and parties before launching military operations in 2010s. He put the political agenda on the back burner – but encouraged a politician to pursue the military establishment’s agenda wholly.
Imran Khan fit the role perfectly. He propagated the military establishment’s narrative. His charisma was an asset. He harped on the themes of corruption of politicians and inherent flaws in the conventional political processes.
Rightly, Imran Khan is labeled as a “Trojan Horse” that the military establishment has implanted in the country. In the post-Musharraf period, after the PPP came to power, efforts were made to keep the military in barracks, away from politics. This approach however came under tremendous pressure as soon as terrorism surged. Suicide bombings and terror attacks compelled the PPP government to redefine the military role in critical decision making in the country.
The military establishment was aiming to break the consensus among political parties to keep the military away from politics – and Imran Khan's star value came in handy. He was pushed into popular politics.
Now Prime Minister Imran Khan is about to complete the first circular motion in his military establishment-supported political career. This pattern is also visible in the career of Nawaz Sharif. He, too, was supported by the establishment; he led his party to victory in the elections; became the prime minister -- then was ousted.
The question is: what role should Imran Khan chalk out for himself if he is ousted from power through the no-confidence motion?
Khan has become a forceful voice against financial corruption in the country. But he is no Vladamir Lenin or Imam Khomeini. His support base — the upper middle class and middle class urbanites — are not a revolutionary lot. The revolutionary movements that made Lenin and Khomeini leaders are not in sight. But even if a revolutionary upheaval starts, his upper class supporters will not come out of their comfort to take part in any agitation.
Therefore Imran Khan must embrace conventional politics to eradicate corruption in Pakistan; else he’ll become irrelevant.
Successive military governments have supported journalists and intellectuals that are anti-democracy and anti-politicians. Propaganda machinery has worked against politicians and democracy for far too long. Political groups and parties on the fringes have been promoted, and the narrative supported by these parties or groups have served the purpose of the military establishment very well. It doesn’t matter if the military establishment is ruling the country or is in the barracks, unannounced partnership with such political groups has always continued.
In the wake of 9/11, the military establishment started taking issues related to Pakistan’s image seriously. It could not afford to be at the centre of political controversies as it was too consumed by counter-insurgencies. The then COAS General Ashfaq Parvez Kiyani strongly advocated political consensus among major political groups and parties before launching military operations in 2010s. He put the political agenda on the back burner – but encouraged a politician to pursue the military establishment’s agenda wholly.
The military establishment was aiming to break the consensus among political parties to keep the military away from politics – and Imran Khan's star value came in handy. He was pushed into popular politics.
Imran Khan fit the role perfectly. He propagated the military establishment’s narrative. His charisma was an asset. He harped on the themes of corruption of politicians and inherent flaws in the conventional political processes.
Rightly, Imran Khan is labeled as a “Trojan Horse” that the military establishment has implanted in the country. In the post-Musharraf period, after the PPP came to power, efforts were made to keep the military in barracks, away from politics. This approach however came under tremendous pressure as soon as terrorism surged. Suicide bombings and terror attacks compelled the PPP government to redefine the military role in critical decision making in the country.
The military establishment was aiming to break the consensus among political parties to keep the military away from politics – and Imran Khan's star value came in handy. He was pushed into popular politics.
Now Prime Minister Imran Khan is about to complete the first circular motion in his military establishment-supported political career. This pattern is also visible in the career of Nawaz Sharif. He, too, was supported by the establishment; he led his party to victory in the elections; became the prime minister -- then was ousted.
The question is: what role should Imran Khan chalk out for himself if he is ousted from power through the no-confidence motion?
Khan has become a forceful voice against financial corruption in the country. But he is no Vladamir Lenin or Imam Khomeini. His support base — the upper middle class and middle class urbanites — are not a revolutionary lot. The revolutionary movements that made Lenin and Khomeini leaders are not in sight. But even if a revolutionary upheaval starts, his upper class supporters will not come out of their comfort to take part in any agitation.
Therefore Imran Khan must embrace conventional politics to eradicate corruption in Pakistan; else he’ll become irrelevant.