Much has been said and will continue to be said about the multi-party conference of opposition parties and the formation of a new alliance called Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM). Various aspects of the conference -namely the toxic address by former prime minister Mian Nawaz Sharif, the rather lackadaisical speech of Mian Shahbaz Sharif, the participation for the first time of a PTM lawmaker and the vast chasm between the ruling PTI and the opposition parties have been discussed.
One area that needs to be looked into more closely is the joint declaration that pits the opposition parties not only against Imran Khan, but also against the military’s increasing interference in politics. Battalions of ministers let loose denounced the declaration as ‘anti-Pakistan,’ toeing the Indian line and aimed at pleasing the enemies by leveling allegations against national institutions. Flaunting Indian newspaper clippings and TV clips reporting the APC, the ministers seemed to assert, “Look, aren’t these screaming headlines in India newspapers not enough of a proof of the anti-state agenda of the opposition?”
In doing so, the ministers forgot that Imran Khan himself has been denouncing on the Indian channels the army’s involvement in politics in Pakistan. While the opposition parties in Pakistan said what they said before the national media and in their joint declaration, Imran has been saying much worse to Indian media houses. If this irony was lost on the hordes of ministers denouncing the opposition, it may be because they were commanded to do so or because power, by its very nature, is blinding.
The language, metaphor and diction used in the joint declaration were a significant departure from declarations adopted in similar opposition huddles in the past. In the past such declarations made only passing references to ‘establishment’ role in elections. The declaration adopted on Sunday last went far beyond the ritual expressions of reservations and directly criticized army’s role not only in elections but much else besides.
The political parties endorsed the joint declaration adopted at the September 17 meeting the Pakistan Bar Council in Islamabad which too had been attended by them. The PBC had also minced no words when it mentioned army instead of ‘establishment.’ Expressing grave concern over “army’s growing interference in politics,” the apex body of country’s lawyers demanded that “army stopped political interference.”
The Sunday’s opposition parties APC declared that free and fair elections were contingent upon keeping the army and agencies kept away from any electoral exercise in future as well as in the forthcoming GB elections. Bemoaning that there was no writ of civilian government in Balochistan, it demanded “respect for the civilian government,” replacement of FC with civilian authority and demolishing of the barriers and roadblocks set up by the FC in the province.
Taking note of public complaints that the military had sealed the ex-tribal areas to visitors, the declaration demanded an end to the “no-go area” status of these areas and making them open. Issue of enforced disappearances also echoed.
More significantly the declaration demanded transparent investigations in the reports about the Special Assistant to Prime Minister Lt Gen (r) Asim Saleem Bajwa and that he step aside till the investigations were completed. The participants implied that much more than the fate of one individual could be at stake if transparent probe was not held.
The joint declaration has been termed as radical by the critics. But if one goes by the discussion leading up to it, the cumulative sadness and anger of the political leaders was far more telling and radical. The discussions on each resolution in a select committee spoke much more than the final text readout by Maulana Fazalur Rahman. The thought processes underlying each resolution, like the one demanding probe into the allegations against SAPM were revealing to say the least. The views expressed and suggestions made in those discussions may ultimately find ways to be included in future declarations. The declaration, therefore, must not be taken lightly.
On Wednesday, three days after the APC, the military gave a direct response to the joint declaration. The ISPR revealed the hitherto undisclosed meetings of PML-N leader Muhammad Zubair with both the COAS and ISI chief during the last four weeks. “In those meetings he (Mr Zubair) talked about Mr Nawaz Sharif and Ms Maryam Nawaz,” the army spokesman said.
What prompted the disclosure four weeks after the meetings? Is it to serve a blow to the ‘state above state’ rhetoric? But it is a deeply mistaken assumption. Instead of dealing a blow to the narrative, it has only confirmed the narrative of ‘state within state.’ Strange indeed are the illusions by which men in authority seem to sustain themselves.
It is time to sit up and take note of the grievances instead of dismissing it out rightly as “enemy agenda.” The shameful precedent set up by a military dictator General Ayub Khan in declaring in an official advertisement the sister of the founder of Pakistan a foreign agent must not be allowed to take roots. Instead of serving any useful purpose, it will be counterproductive.
The present writer has been privy to the discussions and honestly believes that it is time for the military leadership to look inwards and have some serious introspection about its overbearing role in national life and in running a parallel government. Closing eyes to it or delaying soul searching will not solve the problem. A decision delayed is not a problem avoided, it is a crisis invited. Future declarations will be more radical, not less.
The writer is a former senator
One area that needs to be looked into more closely is the joint declaration that pits the opposition parties not only against Imran Khan, but also against the military’s increasing interference in politics. Battalions of ministers let loose denounced the declaration as ‘anti-Pakistan,’ toeing the Indian line and aimed at pleasing the enemies by leveling allegations against national institutions. Flaunting Indian newspaper clippings and TV clips reporting the APC, the ministers seemed to assert, “Look, aren’t these screaming headlines in India newspapers not enough of a proof of the anti-state agenda of the opposition?”
In doing so, the ministers forgot that Imran Khan himself has been denouncing on the Indian channels the army’s involvement in politics in Pakistan. While the opposition parties in Pakistan said what they said before the national media and in their joint declaration, Imran has been saying much worse to Indian media houses. If this irony was lost on the hordes of ministers denouncing the opposition, it may be because they were commanded to do so or because power, by its very nature, is blinding.
The language, metaphor and diction used in the joint declaration were a significant departure from declarations adopted in similar opposition huddles in the past. In the past such declarations made only passing references to ‘establishment’ role in elections. The declaration adopted on Sunday last went far beyond the ritual expressions of reservations and directly criticized army’s role not only in elections but much else besides.
The political parties endorsed the joint declaration adopted at the September 17 meeting the Pakistan Bar Council in Islamabad which too had been attended by them. The PBC had also minced no words when it mentioned army instead of ‘establishment.’ Expressing grave concern over “army’s growing interference in politics,” the apex body of country’s lawyers demanded that “army stopped political interference.”
The Sunday’s opposition parties APC declared that free and fair elections were contingent upon keeping the army and agencies kept away from any electoral exercise in future as well as in the forthcoming GB elections. Bemoaning that there was no writ of civilian government in Balochistan, it demanded “respect for the civilian government,” replacement of FC with civilian authority and demolishing of the barriers and roadblocks set up by the FC in the province.
Taking note of public complaints that the military had sealed the ex-tribal areas to visitors, the declaration demanded an end to the “no-go area” status of these areas and making them open. Issue of enforced disappearances also echoed.
The language, metaphor and diction used in the joint declaration were a significant departure from declarations adopted in similar opposition huddles in the past
More significantly the declaration demanded transparent investigations in the reports about the Special Assistant to Prime Minister Lt Gen (r) Asim Saleem Bajwa and that he step aside till the investigations were completed. The participants implied that much more than the fate of one individual could be at stake if transparent probe was not held.
The joint declaration has been termed as radical by the critics. But if one goes by the discussion leading up to it, the cumulative sadness and anger of the political leaders was far more telling and radical. The discussions on each resolution in a select committee spoke much more than the final text readout by Maulana Fazalur Rahman. The thought processes underlying each resolution, like the one demanding probe into the allegations against SAPM were revealing to say the least. The views expressed and suggestions made in those discussions may ultimately find ways to be included in future declarations. The declaration, therefore, must not be taken lightly.
On Wednesday, three days after the APC, the military gave a direct response to the joint declaration. The ISPR revealed the hitherto undisclosed meetings of PML-N leader Muhammad Zubair with both the COAS and ISI chief during the last four weeks. “In those meetings he (Mr Zubair) talked about Mr Nawaz Sharif and Ms Maryam Nawaz,” the army spokesman said.
What prompted the disclosure four weeks after the meetings? Is it to serve a blow to the ‘state above state’ rhetoric? But it is a deeply mistaken assumption. Instead of dealing a blow to the narrative, it has only confirmed the narrative of ‘state within state.’ Strange indeed are the illusions by which men in authority seem to sustain themselves.
It is time to sit up and take note of the grievances instead of dismissing it out rightly as “enemy agenda.” The shameful precedent set up by a military dictator General Ayub Khan in declaring in an official advertisement the sister of the founder of Pakistan a foreign agent must not be allowed to take roots. Instead of serving any useful purpose, it will be counterproductive.
The present writer has been privy to the discussions and honestly believes that it is time for the military leadership to look inwards and have some serious introspection about its overbearing role in national life and in running a parallel government. Closing eyes to it or delaying soul searching will not solve the problem. A decision delayed is not a problem avoided, it is a crisis invited. Future declarations will be more radical, not less.
The writer is a former senator