Balochistan, largely a remote and neglected region of Pakistan, has seen unprecedented amounts of violence in the last 15 years. Apart from Baloch militancy, the province also confronts extremism from sectarian violence. During these years law enforcement agencies and symbols of the state have come under attack from separatist groups while civilians have lost lives in sectarian violence. Low population density coupled with underdevelopment creates ideal conditions for armed groups to gain greater operational freedom in the province.
It is upsetting that sectarian militant groups continue to strengthen their hold in Balochistan. These groups were active in Sindh and the Punjab but the war against terrorism forced them to relocate to Quetta, with catastrophic effects for people of Balochistan. Initially, the state tolerated activities of these groups due to their ability to neutralise Baloch nationalist groups. However, after a considerable marginalisation of Baloch militancy by the state, activities of such groups have become a cause for anxiety for the state.
In Balochistan, sectarian militant groups are strengthening their position and expanding their influence. Despite claims about improvements made in the sphere of security, the situation in Balochistan has yet to normalise. The main reason for this is that the province is still not regarded as a stakeholder in the power structure of Pakistan. As a consequence, all major political parties have restricted themselves to maintaining only a nominal presence in the province. The absence of the federal parties' involvement in the politics of Balochistan is what is obstructing progress in the impoverished province.
Nationalist parties in Balochistan can only have an impact in the province. They do not exercise any influence at the federal level, given the small share of Balochistan in the parliament. On the other hand, the foremost problems of Balochistan cannot be solved at the provincial level. However, this does not absolve the nationalist parties, who are more interested in obtaining power as opposed to solving the problems of the province. If the mainstream political parties of Pakistan keep on ignoring Balochistan, the problems in the province will remain unresolved. Under these conditions a political elite (recently in the form of Balochistan Awami Party) will continue to rule the province. With a nexus to the bureaucracy, this elite will protect its personal interests at the cost of bad governance, corruption and nepotism in the province. They will face no hurdles as the federal parties have conveniently turned the other way.
Apart from the political will of the federal parties, the stakeholders in Balochistan are also not keen to improve the sphere of security. The clearest indication of their non-seriousness is the appointment of the minister of Home and Tribal Affairs for the last 15 years. One of the most important portfolios has been given to an immature politician, who had his maiden entry in the assembly. They are never held accountable for their performance during or after their tenure. The best these ministers could do was blame external forces for their failure and never propose a plan to counter terrorism. However, playing the "Indian card" all the time will not appease the people and their grievances. To sincerely address the problems in Balochistan, the focus must be inward.
In Balochistan, the Pakistani state's inability to capture citizens' hearts and minds has resulted in other ideas and narratives taking root. One of the major reasons behind the current state of affairs is the absence of the Baloch voice in other parts of Pakistan. In the vacuum left by the government, sectarian and separatist ideologues compete for control. Appointing a senate chairman or a prime minister from Balochistan will not serve the purpose. Education and the economy are the only means of moving forward and the federal and provincial governments have to share the responsibility.
It is necessary to understand that the violence in Balochistan is not just a question of terrorist safe havens; the insurgents are local people yearning for their constitutional rights and welfare.
The political leadership must take ownership of the law and order situation in Balochistan and our armed forces should not exclusively be overburdened for it. A national counter narrative should urgently be constructed and developed to counter the extremist worldview. We lack a culture of serious research and analysis, which is the primary way of coming up with practical and result-oriented policy discourses. Today, what we direly need are think tanks for productive proposals.
All extremist outfits need to be dealt with national counterterrorism strategies. Sub-national groups, on the other hand, should be encouraged to come into the national fold by addressing their legitimate concerns. Police must be depoliticised at all costs and its basic unit, the police station, must be strengthened. The police station is a fundamental pillar of law enforcement and community engagement for gathering intelligence and for ensuring good governance based on quick state response to the citizens in trouble.
Finally good governance is central to counter-terrorism. Implementation of National Action Plan (NAP) depends on good governance. In the implementation of NAP, proper care should be taken to protect the innocent population from collateral damage and no criminal should be permitted protection in the name of political victimisation. If such concessions are allowed, it will only contribute to extremism and intolerance in the society.
The writer is an assistant professor at the University of Balochistan and can be reached via Twitter @sonybaloch
It is upsetting that sectarian militant groups continue to strengthen their hold in Balochistan. These groups were active in Sindh and the Punjab but the war against terrorism forced them to relocate to Quetta, with catastrophic effects for people of Balochistan. Initially, the state tolerated activities of these groups due to their ability to neutralise Baloch nationalist groups. However, after a considerable marginalisation of Baloch militancy by the state, activities of such groups have become a cause for anxiety for the state.
In Balochistan, sectarian militant groups are strengthening their position and expanding their influence. Despite claims about improvements made in the sphere of security, the situation in Balochistan has yet to normalise. The main reason for this is that the province is still not regarded as a stakeholder in the power structure of Pakistan. As a consequence, all major political parties have restricted themselves to maintaining only a nominal presence in the province. The absence of the federal parties' involvement in the politics of Balochistan is what is obstructing progress in the impoverished province.
Nationalist parties in Balochistan can only have an impact in the province. They do not exercise any influence at the federal level, given the small share of Balochistan in the parliament. On the other hand, the foremost problems of Balochistan cannot be solved at the provincial level. However, this does not absolve the nationalist parties, who are more interested in obtaining power as opposed to solving the problems of the province. If the mainstream political parties of Pakistan keep on ignoring Balochistan, the problems in the province will remain unresolved. Under these conditions a political elite (recently in the form of Balochistan Awami Party) will continue to rule the province. With a nexus to the bureaucracy, this elite will protect its personal interests at the cost of bad governance, corruption and nepotism in the province. They will face no hurdles as the federal parties have conveniently turned the other way.
Apart from the political will of the federal parties, the stakeholders in Balochistan are also not keen to improve the sphere of security. The clearest indication of their non-seriousness is the appointment of the minister of Home and Tribal Affairs for the last 15 years. One of the most important portfolios has been given to an immature politician, who had his maiden entry in the assembly. They are never held accountable for their performance during or after their tenure. The best these ministers could do was blame external forces for their failure and never propose a plan to counter terrorism. However, playing the "Indian card" all the time will not appease the people and their grievances. To sincerely address the problems in Balochistan, the focus must be inward.
In Balochistan, the Pakistani state's inability to capture citizens' hearts and minds has resulted in other ideas and narratives taking root. One of the major reasons behind the current state of affairs is the absence of the Baloch voice in other parts of Pakistan. In the vacuum left by the government, sectarian and separatist ideologues compete for control. Appointing a senate chairman or a prime minister from Balochistan will not serve the purpose. Education and the economy are the only means of moving forward and the federal and provincial governments have to share the responsibility.
It is necessary to understand that the violence in Balochistan is not just a question of terrorist safe havens; the insurgents are local people yearning for their constitutional rights and welfare.
The political leadership must take ownership of the law and order situation in Balochistan and our armed forces should not exclusively be overburdened for it. A national counter narrative should urgently be constructed and developed to counter the extremist worldview. We lack a culture of serious research and analysis, which is the primary way of coming up with practical and result-oriented policy discourses. Today, what we direly need are think tanks for productive proposals.
All extremist outfits need to be dealt with national counterterrorism strategies. Sub-national groups, on the other hand, should be encouraged to come into the national fold by addressing their legitimate concerns. Police must be depoliticised at all costs and its basic unit, the police station, must be strengthened. The police station is a fundamental pillar of law enforcement and community engagement for gathering intelligence and for ensuring good governance based on quick state response to the citizens in trouble.
Finally good governance is central to counter-terrorism. Implementation of National Action Plan (NAP) depends on good governance. In the implementation of NAP, proper care should be taken to protect the innocent population from collateral damage and no criminal should be permitted protection in the name of political victimisation. If such concessions are allowed, it will only contribute to extremism and intolerance in the society.
The writer is an assistant professor at the University of Balochistan and can be reached via Twitter @sonybaloch