The emergence of the newly founded party Milli Muslim League (MML) on the political landscape has aggravated the country’s dilemma in dealing with the Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD), its parent organization that is suspected of terror links.
The JuD has been listed by the United Nations as an alias of the proscribed Lashkar-e-Taiba. Its move to form the MML party came a few days after an international watchdog removed Pakistan from the list of countries it was closely monitoring. The 41-member Asia-Pacific Group on Money Laundering (APG), which is the regional affiliate of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), removed Pakistan from “transitional mutual evaluation follow-up” for making “significant progress in implementing the FATF standards”. The group did this at its 20th annual meeting in Colombo, Sri Lanka.
In July the task force had asked the group on money laundering to provide a revised follow-up report on Pakistan because it felt that “there continue to be certain UNSCR 1267 designated entities that receive and disburse funds without controls being applied by the competent authorities”. This was a clear reference to Hafiz Saeed-linked charities: the JuD and Falah-e-Insaniat. (Resolution 1267 concerns sanctions for ISIL or Da’esh, Al-Qaida and associated individuals and groups. The sanctions are for their assets to be frozen, a travel ban through their territories and an arms sale or supply embargo).
The reprieve from the money laundering group materialized because Pakistan’s government had kept Hafiz Saeed under custody since the start of the year and, ahead of the task force’s meeting had banned the Tehreek-i-Azad-i-Jammu and Kashmir, another JuD front that came into the limelight this year on Kashmir Day in February.
The money laundering group clearance may, however, not be enough to get Pakistan out of the woods. The task force had clearly stated in its referral that it would ask Pakistan to submit its compliance report on the implementation of UNSCR 1267 in case the APG decided against sending a revised report. The task force would be taking up Pakistan’s case again in October.
The establishment of MML, many believe, is meant to ease global pressure to act against the group by bringing it into the political realm.
India, which is the chief motivator of the international concerns about Pakistan’s compliance of UNSCR 1267 with respect to Hafiz Saeed and the entities associated with him, isn’t impressed. Indian Ministry of External Affairs Spokesman Gopal Bagley said: “It appears that the person whose hands are stained with the blood of innocent lives is using ballot ink to hide them. The person who has traded in bullets wants to hide behind the ballot. This is a matter of concern.” It isn’t difficult to infer from the Indian reaction that the move would be questioned internationally.
The question whether or not the MML’s formation would help remove lingering global concerns aside, the new party is moving ahead fast. It has fielded a candidate for the by-elections in NA-120, the seat vacated by disqualified prime minister Nawaz Sharif, although as an independent because the party’s application for registration has yet to be processed by the Election Commission of Pakistan. Accepting or rejecting the MML’s application would be a difficult call for the Election Commission. The new party isn’t making any secret of its connections with the JuD and Hafiz Saeed.
MML chief Saifullah Khalid has long been a leading figure in the JuD. Speaking at the party’s low-key launch at Islamabad’s National Press Club, Khalid said it would maintain coordination with the JuD and seek guidance from Hafiz Saeed. He said Hafiz Saeed’s release would be one of their first major demands and they would decide what role he will play once he is released. Moreover, Yahya Mujahid, a UN-listed individual, was also present at the MML’s launch.
The formation of the MML isn’t surprising. It is just the formalization of a longstanding desire of the JuD leadership to enter the political mainstream. The JuD had been maintaining a political wing for years and was part of the Difa-e-Pakistan Council and other groupings of religious parties even as Hafiz Saeed had publicly remained opposed to the democratic process.
The groups may have just felt that now was the right time to make this move. The timing could have been chosen to take advantage of the much-talked about reintegration of militant groups (although a strategy has yet to be finalized). The idea is to reclaim the political space that has been lost by right-wing religious political parties, legitimize its actions as a political actor and plug the loss of cadres to terrorist groups like Da’ish, Al-Qaida and local sectarian groups.
Pakistani laws do not permit the resurrection of banned groups under new names. The JuD, however, isn’t banned and is just on the Interior Ministry’s watchlist. Therefore, the restriction on banned groups may not legally become an impediment for the MML’s registration. But, eyebrows would definitely be raised.
Some fear that what started out as an oddity in Pakistani politics with the election of Masroor Jhangvi, a leader of a proscribed organization, as a member of the Punjab Assembly, is quickly become a disturbing pattern. Political parties have expressed reservations that the MML’s entry could have implications for moderation and democracy in the country.
It is speculated that JuD’s move may have the endorsement of the establishment, which is trying to deal with the problem of normalizing radicalized and militarized groups. The thinking in some quarters is that bringing the JuD into the political mainstream may be a mutually beneficial proposition. At the same time there are doubts about the possibility of the transformation from militancy to politics taking place smoothly.
Rebranding the JuD’s political wing as a political party, it is believed, may not be enough as long as the group does not radically change itself by disassociating from the JuD’s extremist ideology.
The writer is a freelance journalist based in Islamabad and can be reached at @bokhari_mr
The JuD has been listed by the United Nations as an alias of the proscribed Lashkar-e-Taiba. Its move to form the MML party came a few days after an international watchdog removed Pakistan from the list of countries it was closely monitoring. The 41-member Asia-Pacific Group on Money Laundering (APG), which is the regional affiliate of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), removed Pakistan from “transitional mutual evaluation follow-up” for making “significant progress in implementing the FATF standards”. The group did this at its 20th annual meeting in Colombo, Sri Lanka.
In July the task force had asked the group on money laundering to provide a revised follow-up report on Pakistan because it felt that “there continue to be certain UNSCR 1267 designated entities that receive and disburse funds without controls being applied by the competent authorities”. This was a clear reference to Hafiz Saeed-linked charities: the JuD and Falah-e-Insaniat. (Resolution 1267 concerns sanctions for ISIL or Da’esh, Al-Qaida and associated individuals and groups. The sanctions are for their assets to be frozen, a travel ban through their territories and an arms sale or supply embargo).
The reprieve from the money laundering group materialized because Pakistan’s government had kept Hafiz Saeed under custody since the start of the year and, ahead of the task force’s meeting had banned the Tehreek-i-Azad-i-Jammu and Kashmir, another JuD front that came into the limelight this year on Kashmir Day in February.
The money laundering group clearance may, however, not be enough to get Pakistan out of the woods. The task force had clearly stated in its referral that it would ask Pakistan to submit its compliance report on the implementation of UNSCR 1267 in case the APG decided against sending a revised report. The task force would be taking up Pakistan’s case again in October.
The establishment of MML, many believe, is meant to ease global pressure to act against the group by bringing it into the political realm.
India, which is the chief motivator of the international concerns about Pakistan’s compliance of UNSCR 1267 with respect to Hafiz Saeed and the entities associated with him, isn’t impressed. Indian Ministry of External Affairs Spokesman Gopal Bagley said: “It appears that the person whose hands are stained with the blood of innocent lives is using ballot ink to hide them. The person who has traded in bullets wants to hide behind the ballot. This is a matter of concern.” It isn’t difficult to infer from the Indian reaction that the move would be questioned internationally.
The question whether or not the MML’s formation would help remove lingering global concerns aside, the new party is moving ahead fast. It has fielded a candidate for the by-elections in NA-120, the seat vacated by disqualified prime minister Nawaz Sharif, although as an independent because the party’s application for registration has yet to be processed by the Election Commission of Pakistan. Accepting or rejecting the MML’s application would be a difficult call for the Election Commission. The new party isn’t making any secret of its connections with the JuD and Hafiz Saeed.
MML chief Saifullah Khalid has long been a leading figure in the JuD. Speaking at the party’s low-key launch at Islamabad’s National Press Club, Khalid said it would maintain coordination with the JuD and seek guidance from Hafiz Saeed. He said Hafiz Saeed’s release would be one of their first major demands and they would decide what role he will play once he is released. Moreover, Yahya Mujahid, a UN-listed individual, was also present at the MML’s launch.
The formation of the MML isn’t surprising. It is just the formalization of a longstanding desire of the JuD leadership to enter the political mainstream. The JuD had been maintaining a political wing for years and was part of the Difa-e-Pakistan Council and other groupings of religious parties even as Hafiz Saeed had publicly remained opposed to the democratic process.
The groups may have just felt that now was the right time to make this move. The timing could have been chosen to take advantage of the much-talked about reintegration of militant groups (although a strategy has yet to be finalized). The idea is to reclaim the political space that has been lost by right-wing religious political parties, legitimize its actions as a political actor and plug the loss of cadres to terrorist groups like Da’ish, Al-Qaida and local sectarian groups.
Pakistani laws do not permit the resurrection of banned groups under new names. The JuD, however, isn’t banned and is just on the Interior Ministry’s watchlist. Therefore, the restriction on banned groups may not legally become an impediment for the MML’s registration. But, eyebrows would definitely be raised.
Some fear that what started out as an oddity in Pakistani politics with the election of Masroor Jhangvi, a leader of a proscribed organization, as a member of the Punjab Assembly, is quickly become a disturbing pattern. Political parties have expressed reservations that the MML’s entry could have implications for moderation and democracy in the country.
It is speculated that JuD’s move may have the endorsement of the establishment, which is trying to deal with the problem of normalizing radicalized and militarized groups. The thinking in some quarters is that bringing the JuD into the political mainstream may be a mutually beneficial proposition. At the same time there are doubts about the possibility of the transformation from militancy to politics taking place smoothly.
Rebranding the JuD’s political wing as a political party, it is believed, may not be enough as long as the group does not radically change itself by disassociating from the JuD’s extremist ideology.
The writer is a freelance journalist based in Islamabad and can be reached at @bokhari_mr