Twenty years after she came into the mainstream politics, Mehbooba Mufti has taken up the biggest challenge of her political career. Nearly three months after she began her self-imposed “thought process”, she has made up her mind to lead the government in restive state of Jammu and Kashmir that has been under Governor’s Rule following her father Mufti Mohammad Sayeed’s death on January 7. So far, she has been virtually out of government throughout her political career, even when her People’s Democratic Party (PDP) ruled the state for about six years from 2002 to 2008 and 10 months in 2015. She had preferred for her father to rule the state and was seen staying away from government affairs, choosing instead to strengthen the party she co-founded with him in 1999.
But her decision to be the Chief Minister – the first woman from Jammu and Kashmir to occupy such a position – came as surprise to many. She had been dithering over the issue for three months. Not only did she keep her right wing alliance partner Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) guessing, she also did not open her cards to her party leaders as well.
Mehbooba’s final call that resulted in her acceptance was a dramatic turn. When she met Governor NN Vohra on February 3, she had set a few conditions before the central government, saying that these were necessary to build an atmosphere of confidence. Back channel negotiations continued between her PDP and the BJP, but nothing significant was apparently coming out of them. BJP’s point man for this alliance, Ram Madhav, who has been borrowed as general secretary from party’s ideological fountainhead RSS, had virtually closed the doors on March 18 when he categorically said that no pre-conditions were acceptable to BJP for re-stitching the alliance. A day before that, Mehbooba had met BJP chief Amit Shah and was scheduled to meet the Prime Minister the same day, when Madhav threw a spanner in the works.
As an angry Mehbooba returned to Srinagar, alarm bells began ringing in Delhi. Having an elected government in the state is unavoidable in the current political situation. Political analysts point out that having no democratic government in state and a direct rule from Delhi would not go well during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s proposed visit to the United States where he was likely to meet his Pakistani counterpart Nawaz Sharif. Another view is that the Indian Army also wanted a civilian face in Kashmir, amid increasing alienation and more support for local militancy.
Nothing is known about the “secret deal” between Modi and Mehbooba. The latter termed the meeting “positive” saying she was satisfied with the assurances he gave her. Mehbooba was wary of treading on a path that had not worked well for her father during his 10-month rule. She wanted the “Agenda of Alliance” between the two parties to be implemented within a timeframe, including contentious matters such as the revocation of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, reconciliation with Pakistan, and much more. Even as Mufti Mohammad Sayeed was all praise for Narendra Modi, he did not give him any room to prove that the alliance, largely opposed by the people, was a good deal.
Now that Mehbooba has taken up the top job, her challenges are manifold. Though a fighter in her own right, she has never been part of the government and is a novice in governance. Her understanding of issues may be linked to grassroots realities, but to address them in the given bureaucratic set up makes her task difficult. The general impression during three-month Governor’s Rule is that the bureaucracy has worked more efficiently than before and ensured the delivery of governance. In other words, that means bureaucrats are not so efficient when an elected government is in charge, and do not cooperate with it.
Ensuring good governance, with a focus against corruption, will be the biggest challenge Mehbooba will face. Besides political alienation, bad governance plays a significant role in public unrest. Making the administration responsible to the people and cleansing it of corrupt people is her primary task. If she allows political compulsions to dictate which officers she will choose for important jobs, she will be no different from her predecessors, including her father.
Another challenge would be dealing with those who, according to media reports, were thinking about deserting her and allying with the BJP to form a government. If the political grapevine is to be believed, this was the last tactic Delhi used to force her to make up her mind. She feared losing her party. It could be termed a blackmail tactic, but it worked. How she deals with those who almost left her will be a test of her leadership skills.
Tackling the BJP as an ally in her government will not be easy either. Her father’s political stature and elderly demeanor made a difference when the two parties disagreed. For her, it will not be easy to take her alliance partner along while also registering her own writ so that she is not taken for granted. Modi’s support to her in dealing with BJP ministers in the event of any allegation of wrongdoing will be crucial.
Lastly, Mehbooba has to deal with a party and government in Delhi that does not show any interest in approaching Kashmir politically. By entering into an alliance with the BJP, her party is accused of opening doors for RSS in Kashmir. She will have to tread a thorny path while protecting her political constituency in Kashmir and also deliver on the governance front. The role of mainstream parties in the resolution of the larger issue of Kashmir is limited, except facilitation in making the situation conducive. But delivering good governance and not allowing the BJP to touch sensitive issues, such as the Article 370 of the Indian constitution, the controversy of two flags, and a ban on beef.
Mehbooba’s test lies in whether she gives a long rope to her alliance partner to rake up those contentious issues, as witnessed during her father’s rule.
Although liberal funding from the center and being able to speak to the prime minister will make a huge difference, the reality is that Mahbooba has taken a big gamble, under tremendous pressure from her party cadre.
The author is a veteran journalist from Srinagar, and the editor-in-chief of The Rising Kashmir
But her decision to be the Chief Minister – the first woman from Jammu and Kashmir to occupy such a position – came as surprise to many. She had been dithering over the issue for three months. Not only did she keep her right wing alliance partner Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) guessing, she also did not open her cards to her party leaders as well.
Mehbooba’s final call that resulted in her acceptance was a dramatic turn. When she met Governor NN Vohra on February 3, she had set a few conditions before the central government, saying that these were necessary to build an atmosphere of confidence. Back channel negotiations continued between her PDP and the BJP, but nothing significant was apparently coming out of them. BJP’s point man for this alliance, Ram Madhav, who has been borrowed as general secretary from party’s ideological fountainhead RSS, had virtually closed the doors on March 18 when he categorically said that no pre-conditions were acceptable to BJP for re-stitching the alliance. A day before that, Mehbooba had met BJP chief Amit Shah and was scheduled to meet the Prime Minister the same day, when Madhav threw a spanner in the works.
Her party is accused of opening doors for RSS in Kashmir
As an angry Mehbooba returned to Srinagar, alarm bells began ringing in Delhi. Having an elected government in the state is unavoidable in the current political situation. Political analysts point out that having no democratic government in state and a direct rule from Delhi would not go well during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s proposed visit to the United States where he was likely to meet his Pakistani counterpart Nawaz Sharif. Another view is that the Indian Army also wanted a civilian face in Kashmir, amid increasing alienation and more support for local militancy.
Nothing is known about the “secret deal” between Modi and Mehbooba. The latter termed the meeting “positive” saying she was satisfied with the assurances he gave her. Mehbooba was wary of treading on a path that had not worked well for her father during his 10-month rule. She wanted the “Agenda of Alliance” between the two parties to be implemented within a timeframe, including contentious matters such as the revocation of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, reconciliation with Pakistan, and much more. Even as Mufti Mohammad Sayeed was all praise for Narendra Modi, he did not give him any room to prove that the alliance, largely opposed by the people, was a good deal.
Now that Mehbooba has taken up the top job, her challenges are manifold. Though a fighter in her own right, she has never been part of the government and is a novice in governance. Her understanding of issues may be linked to grassroots realities, but to address them in the given bureaucratic set up makes her task difficult. The general impression during three-month Governor’s Rule is that the bureaucracy has worked more efficiently than before and ensured the delivery of governance. In other words, that means bureaucrats are not so efficient when an elected government is in charge, and do not cooperate with it.
Ensuring good governance, with a focus against corruption, will be the biggest challenge Mehbooba will face. Besides political alienation, bad governance plays a significant role in public unrest. Making the administration responsible to the people and cleansing it of corrupt people is her primary task. If she allows political compulsions to dictate which officers she will choose for important jobs, she will be no different from her predecessors, including her father.
Another challenge would be dealing with those who, according to media reports, were thinking about deserting her and allying with the BJP to form a government. If the political grapevine is to be believed, this was the last tactic Delhi used to force her to make up her mind. She feared losing her party. It could be termed a blackmail tactic, but it worked. How she deals with those who almost left her will be a test of her leadership skills.
Tackling the BJP as an ally in her government will not be easy either. Her father’s political stature and elderly demeanor made a difference when the two parties disagreed. For her, it will not be easy to take her alliance partner along while also registering her own writ so that she is not taken for granted. Modi’s support to her in dealing with BJP ministers in the event of any allegation of wrongdoing will be crucial.
Lastly, Mehbooba has to deal with a party and government in Delhi that does not show any interest in approaching Kashmir politically. By entering into an alliance with the BJP, her party is accused of opening doors for RSS in Kashmir. She will have to tread a thorny path while protecting her political constituency in Kashmir and also deliver on the governance front. The role of mainstream parties in the resolution of the larger issue of Kashmir is limited, except facilitation in making the situation conducive. But delivering good governance and not allowing the BJP to touch sensitive issues, such as the Article 370 of the Indian constitution, the controversy of two flags, and a ban on beef.
Mehbooba’s test lies in whether she gives a long rope to her alliance partner to rake up those contentious issues, as witnessed during her father’s rule.
Although liberal funding from the center and being able to speak to the prime minister will make a huge difference, the reality is that Mahbooba has taken a big gamble, under tremendous pressure from her party cadre.
The author is a veteran journalist from Srinagar, and the editor-in-chief of The Rising Kashmir