The nation has lost yet another of its proud soldiers. Not the first one, but still the shock is fresh and profound. Col Khanzada never hung up his boots, be it against the enemy on the external borders or the enemy within. His martyrdom is a chilling reminder of the nature, extent and the magnitude of the threat looming on the national horizon. A lot is being done, but a lot still needs to be done. A lot has been damaged, but a lot ought to be saved. The attack on the person on the forefront of the ongoing comparing against extremism is yet another sign of the senseless resilience shown by the sectarian terrorists deeply rooted in the society.
The ongoing operation against the menacing sectarian outfit LeJ shows the state’s resolve to finally take on the most violent aspect of indigenous terrorism. But the end is far from near. The sectarian fault lines are too deep, commitments too strong, fissures too vast and consensus on exclusion too solid. The sectarian group which grew in the eighties, was a huge beneficiary in training and logistics available to thefranchised holy war in Afghanistan. The nineties were thus ripe for reaping these benefits. The killing spree did not spare any segment of thesociety, with the minority sect and government functionaries as prime targets.
An urgent but incisive operation led to the weakening of LeJ ranks but the group got a new lease after the Taliban and Al Qaeda extended their strikes from FATA and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to mainland Punjab. With radicalized followers, trained operatives, ingress in the society and alogistics network, the group became lethal. Small in numbers but quick in strikes, its members have always been apt at hiding and resurfacing at opportune times while maintaining connections with the extraneous terror networks. The agility and adjustability of this most ferocious sectarian outfit cannot be underestimated. It still has the capacity to draw disenchanted elements from the ranks of radicalized religious zealots thriving on sectarian differences.
There seems to be a broader consensus in the society against acts of disruption and terrorist attacks, but sectarian violence is more pervasive, intractable and has drastic consequences for the social fabric. The sectarian landscape is also more polarized than ever. All major sects have elaborate and organised network of followers at the grassroot level who can be mobilized at one call and have support of militant wings in their wake. Besides the mainstream sects, a number of preacher and reformer denominations have slowly and persistently taken a sizable share of the ever growing religious pie. A new breed of televangelists have further exacerbated the already serious situation without challenging theestablished sectarian divide, and voluntarily or otherwise aligned with likeminded sects.
The ongoing operation by the government, involving all stakeholders, has already disrupted the organized terrorist networks considerably, but the lasting change will only come once the extremism which is the lifeline of terror, is disrupted too. The only viable option is to create space for the voices of sanity, moderation and enlightenment. Most of them were earlier targeted and maligned, or removed and banished from the scene. Whether in politics, academia or religious discourse, the probability of an alternative and progressive voice to survive in this cacophony of rage is almost zero. The absence of dissent could have resulted in some semblance of order, like in Saudi Arabia and Iran which are ruled by the clergy, or Turkey and Egypt in which the tide turned the other way. But the laissez faire religious complex like ours has only resulted in disorder, unrest and violence. The survival of the sectarian groups hinges on their capacity to inflict maximum violence whether verbal, social or organized terrorism.
The solutions have to go deep into the social and cultural milieu. Some sects have violence embedded in their curriculum with their own distorted version of holy war, and even question the legitimacy of the state, while others are vying to catch up out of necessity. Sectarian battle lines are deeply entrenched and drawn with blood. The radicalization is going on exponentially and the reversal is not even in sight. Already a sectarian terrorist outfit ISIS has carved out a quasi-state based on fear and opportunity.
The counter narrative to the extremism if any, is missing from the social debate. Whatever debate is going on is not to settle the differences but to perpetuate them. The sectarian volcano in this country is oozing out lava since long. The momentum in favor of chaos and disorder may soonreach the boiling point. There is an urgent need to defeat the enemy within for bringing discipline and normalcy to the situation.
It is now imperative that like other sectors, a religious policy be created and enforced. The starting point has to be supervision and management of religious institutions to limiting of religious gatherings at a manageable level, followed by zero tolerance for hate speech and misuse of mosques and madrassas. The real fight is not us vs them. It is us vs us.
This is going to be tough, but complacency would only aggravate the crisis, which is more urgent and ominous than ever.
The ongoing operation against the menacing sectarian outfit LeJ shows the state’s resolve to finally take on the most violent aspect of indigenous terrorism. But the end is far from near. The sectarian fault lines are too deep, commitments too strong, fissures too vast and consensus on exclusion too solid. The sectarian group which grew in the eighties, was a huge beneficiary in training and logistics available to thefranchised holy war in Afghanistan. The nineties were thus ripe for reaping these benefits. The killing spree did not spare any segment of thesociety, with the minority sect and government functionaries as prime targets.
An urgent but incisive operation led to the weakening of LeJ ranks but the group got a new lease after the Taliban and Al Qaeda extended their strikes from FATA and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to mainland Punjab. With radicalized followers, trained operatives, ingress in the society and alogistics network, the group became lethal. Small in numbers but quick in strikes, its members have always been apt at hiding and resurfacing at opportune times while maintaining connections with the extraneous terror networks. The agility and adjustability of this most ferocious sectarian outfit cannot be underestimated. It still has the capacity to draw disenchanted elements from the ranks of radicalized religious zealots thriving on sectarian differences.
There seems to be a broader consensus in the society against acts of disruption and terrorist attacks, but sectarian violence is more pervasive, intractable and has drastic consequences for the social fabric. The sectarian landscape is also more polarized than ever. All major sects have elaborate and organised network of followers at the grassroot level who can be mobilized at one call and have support of militant wings in their wake. Besides the mainstream sects, a number of preacher and reformer denominations have slowly and persistently taken a sizable share of the ever growing religious pie. A new breed of televangelists have further exacerbated the already serious situation without challenging theestablished sectarian divide, and voluntarily or otherwise aligned with likeminded sects.
The absence of dissent has resulted in a semblance of order
The ongoing operation by the government, involving all stakeholders, has already disrupted the organized terrorist networks considerably, but the lasting change will only come once the extremism which is the lifeline of terror, is disrupted too. The only viable option is to create space for the voices of sanity, moderation and enlightenment. Most of them were earlier targeted and maligned, or removed and banished from the scene. Whether in politics, academia or religious discourse, the probability of an alternative and progressive voice to survive in this cacophony of rage is almost zero. The absence of dissent could have resulted in some semblance of order, like in Saudi Arabia and Iran which are ruled by the clergy, or Turkey and Egypt in which the tide turned the other way. But the laissez faire religious complex like ours has only resulted in disorder, unrest and violence. The survival of the sectarian groups hinges on their capacity to inflict maximum violence whether verbal, social or organized terrorism.
The solutions have to go deep into the social and cultural milieu. Some sects have violence embedded in their curriculum with their own distorted version of holy war, and even question the legitimacy of the state, while others are vying to catch up out of necessity. Sectarian battle lines are deeply entrenched and drawn with blood. The radicalization is going on exponentially and the reversal is not even in sight. Already a sectarian terrorist outfit ISIS has carved out a quasi-state based on fear and opportunity.
The counter narrative to the extremism if any, is missing from the social debate. Whatever debate is going on is not to settle the differences but to perpetuate them. The sectarian volcano in this country is oozing out lava since long. The momentum in favor of chaos and disorder may soonreach the boiling point. There is an urgent need to defeat the enemy within for bringing discipline and normalcy to the situation.
It is now imperative that like other sectors, a religious policy be created and enforced. The starting point has to be supervision and management of religious institutions to limiting of religious gatherings at a manageable level, followed by zero tolerance for hate speech and misuse of mosques and madrassas. The real fight is not us vs them. It is us vs us.
This is going to be tough, but complacency would only aggravate the crisis, which is more urgent and ominous than ever.