On Tuesday (May 26) Narendra Modi completed one year in his office. When he took oath as the Prime Minister at a never-seen-before gala ceremony, his offerings to India were full of promises from “Achay Din” for common masses to development with co-operative and competitive federalism and much more. His swearing-in ceremony marked a new beginning in the South Asian polity as he invited heads of all the neighbouring countries including that of a bitter one – Pakistan. Modi had certainly turned magical by hypnotizing the Indian masses; partly due to a scam ridden rule by Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA). So when he appeared on the scene with full majority he raised the hopes to a new high. His challenges to prove a different prime minister were more than one—both on external and internal fronts.
Jammu and Kashmir has remained a constant challenge for any ruling party in New Delhi for over 67 years. For Modi it was no different. But the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) had a different legacy vis-a-vis Kashmir than the Congress that has ruled India for most of the time since 1947. It is an unchallenged fact that Kashmir issue is the legacy of Congress and Nehru-Gandhi family, the debacles it has seen have architects in Jawahar Lal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi and off late Rahul Gandhi. Even as the BJP had been harping on a hard-line policy with respect to Jammu and Kashmir, seeking its complete integration with Indian union, the only movement forward in the process of resolution has been witnessed during the government headed by its veteran leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee.
The process of peace and reconciliation not only within Kashmir but also with Pakistan could only take off during his rule that too in the backdrop of heightened tension/border build up in the wake of December 2001 attack on Indian parliament.
UPA government’s Prime Minister Manmohan Singh did take pains to carry that forward but it soon derailed due to Mumbai attack in 2008 and renewed hostilities on both sides have not allowed resumption of peace process.
When Modi came to power, he invoked the policy of Vajpayee to address Kashmir. Before he became the Prime Minister, he had repeatedly sounded reconciliatory vis-a-vis Kashmir during his election campaign. At least on four occasions he took refuge under Vajpayee’s “good work”. On March 26, 2014, he told a public meeting in Jammu that he will follow the path shown by Vajpayee on Kashmir – Insaniyat (humanity), Jamhuriyat (democracy) and Kashmiriyat. “It is my wish to complete the work started by Vajpayee… It is my wish and I will come repeatedly here for that," he said.
After his ascendency to the Prime Minister’s office, he did not change the course and on July 4, 2014 he told a gathering in Katra that “my message to the people of Jammu and Kashmir is that the government wants to carry forward former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s plan in the state. My aim is to win the hearts of the people of the state”. Similarly on November 22, 2014 he said in Kishtwar "democracy, humanity and Kashmiriyat, these words of Atal ji have made special place in the hearts of Kashmiris and have ignited a hope in every Kashmiri youth about better future".
Modi continuously stressed the development as key to his work in Jammu and Kashmir. But repeated reference to Vajpayee did not mean development alone but it was more about recognizing Kashmir as a political reality and moving forward on a path where both the people of state and Pakistan could be taken on board to move forward. When Vajpayee initiated dialogue with Pakistan from Srinagar on April 18, 2003, the relations between two countries were at a low compared to today’s status of engagements. For him it was a big risk to offer the hand of unconditional friendship to Islamabad, which was concurrently supported by a dialogue process within Kashmir.
But after a year when one looks back at the report card of Prime Minister Modi, the performance on Kashmir is not just dismal, it’s blank. Modi had a huge opportunity to reach out to people of the state. He had no past baggage that could hold him back. Nine months after he assumed charge, his own party became part of a coalition government in the state, giving him leverage to do some positive things. At the time of becoming Prime Minister he had succeeded in sending a signal that he would reach out to neighbours including Pakistan.
In reality, however, he started his task of the bigger challenges of Pakistan and Kashmir (both are connected when we talk in relation to finding a solution to the latter) started on frivolous notes. Soon after Nawaz Sharif came to attend the swearing in ceremony, Modi government unilaterally called off the Foreign Secretary level talks in July on an issue that had become a reality for the past over 17 years. Those who are against the normal relations between two countries did celebrate the misadventure but others did not take it in good spirit. Ostensibly after the intervention by United States and others, Modi had to call Nawaz Sharif in February offering that its Foreign Secretary would visit Islamabad in March as part of his SAARC yatra. He did visit but there was no significant movement forward. Blame and counter blame on sponsoring terrorism has so far remained the only point of discussion between the two neighbours.
Similarly within the state, the BJP despite being in power with People's Democratic Party (PDP) under “The Agenda of Alliance” has not given up on its traditional stance of looking at Kashmir purely through a managed nationalist’s rather jingoistic view. In spite of agreements in the Agenda about release of prisoners, dialogue with separatists and Pakistan and all other contentious issues, Modi has himself fallen in the trap of his party’s ideological position. On the issue of Masarat Alam, he joined the hard-line bandwagon and not only undermined the office of an “elected” Chief Minister but virtually shut the doors on any move of reconciliation. The same approach was adopted on issues of township for Kashmiri Pandits, passport to Syed Ali Geelani etc.
Not only has Modi failed to leave an impression of a thinking Prime Minister to address Kashmir through political means, he has not done anything tangible to give a push to development in the state. For example, his government is yet to make any announcement for rehabilitating thousands of families who faced huge losses in the September 2014 floods. He has not helped the state in dealing with the huge debts it has. It may be recalled that PDP had flagged the issue of “liberal funding” as the main reason for joining hands with BJP, seen in Kashmir as a communal party trying to push the people to the wall. Though one year may not be sufficient to judge the performance, there is, however, no indication about the intent to do anything to engage with the people.
Lack of political engagement within the state and strained relations with Pakistan are contributing factors in a drifting situation. Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed has rightly said that peace is imperative for development. Unless Modi as Prime Minister of India and not as BJP leader takes up a political initiative, it is unrealistic to hope for peace in the state.
The author is a veteran journalist from Srinagar and the editor-in-chief of Rising Kashmir
Jammu and Kashmir has remained a constant challenge for any ruling party in New Delhi for over 67 years. For Modi it was no different. But the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) had a different legacy vis-a-vis Kashmir than the Congress that has ruled India for most of the time since 1947. It is an unchallenged fact that Kashmir issue is the legacy of Congress and Nehru-Gandhi family, the debacles it has seen have architects in Jawahar Lal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi and off late Rahul Gandhi. Even as the BJP had been harping on a hard-line policy with respect to Jammu and Kashmir, seeking its complete integration with Indian union, the only movement forward in the process of resolution has been witnessed during the government headed by its veteran leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee.
The process of peace and reconciliation not only within Kashmir but also with Pakistan could only take off during his rule that too in the backdrop of heightened tension/border build up in the wake of December 2001 attack on Indian parliament.
UPA government’s Prime Minister Manmohan Singh did take pains to carry that forward but it soon derailed due to Mumbai attack in 2008 and renewed hostilities on both sides have not allowed resumption of peace process.
When Modi came to power, he invoked the policy of Vajpayee to address Kashmir. Before he became the Prime Minister, he had repeatedly sounded reconciliatory vis-a-vis Kashmir during his election campaign. At least on four occasions he took refuge under Vajpayee’s “good work”. On March 26, 2014, he told a public meeting in Jammu that he will follow the path shown by Vajpayee on Kashmir – Insaniyat (humanity), Jamhuriyat (democracy) and Kashmiriyat. “It is my wish to complete the work started by Vajpayee… It is my wish and I will come repeatedly here for that," he said.
After his ascendency to the Prime Minister’s office, he did not change the course and on July 4, 2014 he told a gathering in Katra that “my message to the people of Jammu and Kashmir is that the government wants to carry forward former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s plan in the state. My aim is to win the hearts of the people of the state”. Similarly on November 22, 2014 he said in Kishtwar "democracy, humanity and Kashmiriyat, these words of Atal ji have made special place in the hearts of Kashmiris and have ignited a hope in every Kashmiri youth about better future".
Modi continuously stressed the development as key to his work in Jammu and Kashmir. But repeated reference to Vajpayee did not mean development alone but it was more about recognizing Kashmir as a political reality and moving forward on a path where both the people of state and Pakistan could be taken on board to move forward. When Vajpayee initiated dialogue with Pakistan from Srinagar on April 18, 2003, the relations between two countries were at a low compared to today’s status of engagements. For him it was a big risk to offer the hand of unconditional friendship to Islamabad, which was concurrently supported by a dialogue process within Kashmir.
But after a year when one looks back at the report card of Prime Minister Modi, the performance on Kashmir is not just dismal, it’s blank. Modi had a huge opportunity to reach out to people of the state. He had no past baggage that could hold him back. Nine months after he assumed charge, his own party became part of a coalition government in the state, giving him leverage to do some positive things. At the time of becoming Prime Minister he had succeeded in sending a signal that he would reach out to neighbours including Pakistan.
In reality, however, he started his task of the bigger challenges of Pakistan and Kashmir (both are connected when we talk in relation to finding a solution to the latter) started on frivolous notes. Soon after Nawaz Sharif came to attend the swearing in ceremony, Modi government unilaterally called off the Foreign Secretary level talks in July on an issue that had become a reality for the past over 17 years. Those who are against the normal relations between two countries did celebrate the misadventure but others did not take it in good spirit. Ostensibly after the intervention by United States and others, Modi had to call Nawaz Sharif in February offering that its Foreign Secretary would visit Islamabad in March as part of his SAARC yatra. He did visit but there was no significant movement forward. Blame and counter blame on sponsoring terrorism has so far remained the only point of discussion between the two neighbours.
Similarly within the state, the BJP despite being in power with People's Democratic Party (PDP) under “The Agenda of Alliance” has not given up on its traditional stance of looking at Kashmir purely through a managed nationalist’s rather jingoistic view. In spite of agreements in the Agenda about release of prisoners, dialogue with separatists and Pakistan and all other contentious issues, Modi has himself fallen in the trap of his party’s ideological position. On the issue of Masarat Alam, he joined the hard-line bandwagon and not only undermined the office of an “elected” Chief Minister but virtually shut the doors on any move of reconciliation. The same approach was adopted on issues of township for Kashmiri Pandits, passport to Syed Ali Geelani etc.
Not only has Modi failed to leave an impression of a thinking Prime Minister to address Kashmir through political means, he has not done anything tangible to give a push to development in the state. For example, his government is yet to make any announcement for rehabilitating thousands of families who faced huge losses in the September 2014 floods. He has not helped the state in dealing with the huge debts it has. It may be recalled that PDP had flagged the issue of “liberal funding” as the main reason for joining hands with BJP, seen in Kashmir as a communal party trying to push the people to the wall. Though one year may not be sufficient to judge the performance, there is, however, no indication about the intent to do anything to engage with the people.
Lack of political engagement within the state and strained relations with Pakistan are contributing factors in a drifting situation. Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed has rightly said that peace is imperative for development. Unless Modi as Prime Minister of India and not as BJP leader takes up a political initiative, it is unrealistic to hope for peace in the state.
The author is a veteran journalist from Srinagar and the editor-in-chief of Rising Kashmir