“No glamour has been given to non-violent struggle”


	Malik Yasin in Muzzaffarabad

	Malik Yasin addresses supporters during a visit to Mirpur AJK

Seventeen long years ago, I started an armed struggle. Today, I come to Pakistan through a transparent democratic route with a peace mission,” says Yasin Malik, the 37-year old chief of the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF). Malik crossed the Line of Control (LoC) eight times as a militant, before becoming a peacenik. This unusual politician began his struggle by resorting to the gun but has now turned to non-violent means to achieve his goals. And though the “means” have been different, Malik insists that the goal has always been the same: that of independence for Kashmir.

Nevertheless, diplomacy – a desired element in politics – does not come easily to Malik, perhaps because of his past experiences. Controversial statements during his recent trip to Pakistan as part of a delegation of Kashmiri leaders caught the attention of the media and the governments of India and Pakistan alike.

I first met Malik in Srinagar in October 2004, when I visited the city as part of a delegation of Pakistani journalists. He lives in a three-storey building, and we were greeted by a number of his supporters chanting slogans for Kashmiri freedom. As we were taken up to what appeared to be a large party office, I noticed that the walls were plastered with images of atrocities suffered by the Kashmiris at the hands of the Indian army, and of the signature campaign initiated by Malik. So far, 1.5 million signatures have been collected, demanding that the Kashmiris be included in the dialogue.

At that time, Yasin Malik was very critical of the Pakistani government and civil society. Many Kashmiris implied that we, the delegation of journalists, were part of Pakistani intelligence agencies’ larger game plan. Credible sources claim that the intelligence agencies disclosed his identity as a militant; he became one of the most wanted men in India, and one particular chase resulted in his jumping off a five-storey building in order to avoid capture by the Border Security Forces. The signs of this incident are still apparent, and his life as a militant and years in jail have taken a toll on his health.

As a 14-year old, Malik watched in horror as Indian armed forces attacked his neighbourhood and set shops ablaze. With the image of chickens being burnt alive still etched in his memory, he became convinced that the people of Kashmir were “slaves,” and that only armed struggle could lead to a resolution of the issue. Malik crossed the LoC for the first time in 1988, and it is now well-known that he was recruited as a young student leader and later trained in Pakistani camps. Like many others, he then crossed the LOC to Indian Administered Kashmir to join the freedom struggle.

Having crossed the LoC many times before, I had to ask him how this particular visit was distinct. According to Malik, “the romanticism is still the same, but the means are different now. I first crossed into Pakistan Administered Kashmir on the 2nd of June, 1988 [. . . ] and this time when I crossed the LoC, it was [also] June 2nd.” Whether this particular visit had more purpose than the first one, though, is a complex question. Malik comments that “when I [first] came here, I lived at a camp in Rawalpindi. Now, I feel that the people here are even more emotional and sympathetic to the Kashmiri cause.” In terms of the state, however, he feels that “it has never been comfortable with me because I have my own Kashmiri point of view. As far as the political leadership is concerned, they endorsed my point of view that the Kashmiri people are the principal party of the dispute, and have a legal and constitutional right to be part of the peace table between India and Pakistan.”

Since Mr Malik arrived in Chakoti this June – where he was greeted by thousands of JKLF supporters – his statements have earned him the reputation of being a blunt politician who does not mince his words. His first speech in Muzzaffarabad criticised certain remarks by Ms Noreen Arif, Advisor to the Information Department of Pakistan Administered Kashmir, which praised Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and President Pervez Musharraf for opening the bus route between Srinagar and Muzzafarabad. Expressing disappointment over these comments, Malik stated that in fact, the sacrifices of the Kashmiri people had forced both governments to initiate Kashmir-specific confidence building measures. In another much publicised remark, he held the Kashmiri leadership of Pakistan Administered Kashmir responsible for encouraging militancy by romanticising it, and criticised these leaders for not playing a “responsible role.” “As far as the Kashmiri leaders are concerned, I try to bridge the gaps; see, I’m a frank person,” he smiles. Yasin Malik believes that it is the people of Kashmir who suffer, and so, leaders must fulfil their responsibilities towards them.

How has this visit brought Malik closer to his goal? He believes that there will now be a “creative peace process,” but he cannot predict what will happen. “Up till now, this has been a consultative exercise and we have not been included in the ongoing peace process,” he says, adding that “the Kashmiri people feel humiliated when they hear of their fate through radio and television. After this visit, I do feel it has been a creative exercise, but it lacks optimism.”

Yasin Malik emphasises that his “sole thrust” has been to include the Kashmiris in the dialogue process. Regarding discussions with President Musharraf and Prime Minister Aziz, Malik says that “I told them that we support the peace process and that we will show flexibility on the Kashmir issue, but we cannot accept a solution that India and Pakistan decide for us. President Musharraf is brave, and an ‘adventurist;’ let’s see if he will prove himself to be a statesman.”

There has been much media speculation regarding any proposals concerning the Kashmir issue that may have been discussed by the visiting Kashmiri leaders and President Musharraf. However, Malik expresses his surprise at these reports, saying that “I have no knowledge of any proposals that were discussed. [ . . . ] I came here with a transparent agenda, which is that we support the peace process, we’re willing to be flexible, but the Kashmiri people must be made part of the peace table. And backdoor negotiations between Mr Narayan and Tariq Aziz need to stop.”

In the early 1990s, Malik turned away from militancy. He tells me that he was arrested on the 6th of August, 1990, and spent the next four years in solitary confinement in different parts of India. During that time, he was visited by a number of human rights activists and intellectuals such as Kuldip Nayyer and Rajmohan Gandhi. “They convinced me that a non-violent movement was better than resorting to the gun,” recalls Malik. “They asked me why I had resorted to an armed struggle when the Kashmiri people have no history of violence in their 5000-year old history. In Kashmir, I had not been aware of what was happening in India, and I was told of Jai Prakash Narayan who had started a strong civil liberties movement in India.” Yasin Malik says that the Indian intellectuals pleaded with him to give non-violence a chance, and promised to support the cause of the Kashmiris. “I was convinced, and I declared a unilateral ceasefire when I was released,” he recalls, “but the ceasefire came at a price; six hundred of my colleagues were killed by the armed forces.” Malik claims that he’s been “arrested over a hundred times, detained twice under the illegal public safety act,” sent to interrogation centres where he lost hearing in his right ear, and that six attempts have been made on his life. “There were efforts to bring me back to underground politics, but despite all the odds, I have shown my commitment to a non-violent struggle,” he states.

In the context of non-violent struggle, Malik recalls words uttered by his friend, author Arundhati Roy. “She said that ‘I am tired, because no one is listening. If you bring even one million people on the street, it makes no difference,’” he muses, adding that he particularly requests journalists to be more responsible. “During a visit to the US, I said that it was Hollywood, Bollywood and the media that are responsible for this violent movement,” says Malik. “It is because they have given no glamour to non-violent struggles. I have appeared on TV programs such as Tim Sebastian’s ‘Hard Talk,’ but I know they invited me because I’ve been a militant in the past, not because I now lead a non-violent struggle and demand a solution to the Kashmir issue.”

Malik’s mission is clear, to include the Kashmiris in the peace process and demand their right to decide their own future. He asks all Pakistani citizens to support his signature campaign – which he intends to take to various Indian cities – and to write to President Musharraf demanding the Kashmiris’ right to self-determination. Today, Yasin Malik laments that the media do not have the courage to report what he says, but perhaps it’s more a question of the South Asian media organisations taking their cues from their governments. The Indian and Pakistani governments regard him as a hardened politician who demands the impossible: independence. Yet his signature campaign and his attempts to engage civil society make him distinct, and for many Kashmiris – and some sections of Pakistan and India’s civil societies – he comes across as the genuine, credible voice of Kashmir. On the other hand, for the Indian and Pakistani governments, he may prove a tougher negotiator than ‘moderates’ in the All Parties Hurriyat Conference.